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BARBIER, PAUL, Loan-Words from English in Eighteenth-Century 

French 138, 252 

BRAUNHOLTZ, E. G. W., Cambridge Fragments of the Anglo-Norman 
' Roman de Horn '..... . 

CLARK, ARTHUR M., The Authorship of 'Appius and Virginia' . . 1 

EMERSON, OLIVER FARRAR, Grendel's Motive in attacking Heorot . 113 

FARNHAM, WILLIAM EDWARD, John (Henry) Scogan . . . . 120 

FIELDEN, F. J., Court Masquerades in Sweden in the Seventeenth 

Century 47, 150 

HUGHES, MERRITT Y., The Humanism of Francis Jeffrey . . . 243 

NICOLL, ALLARDYCE, Political Plays of the Restoration . . . 224 

PEERS, E. ALLISON, Some Spanish Conceptions of Romanticism . . 281 - 

POSTON, MERVYN L., The Origin of the English Heroic Play . . 18 
STOPES, CHARLOTTE CARMICHAEL, Thomas Edwards, Author of 

* Cephalus and Procris, Narcissus '....... 209 

STUDER, PAUL, An Anglo-Norman Poem by Edward II, King of England 34 

WELLS, WILLIAM, The Birth of Merlin ' 129 

x WICKSTEED, PHILIP H., The Ethical System of the ' Inferno 265 

WILLOUGHBY, L. A., English Translations and Adaptations of Schiller's 

^" 'Robbers' 297* 


ALLEN, HOPE EMILY, The ' Ancren Riwle ' and Kilburn Priory . . 316 

BALD, R. C., Cyril Tourneur, ' Atheist's Tragedy,' Act iv, Sc. 1 . . 324 

BELL, AUBREY F. G., Portuguese and Italian Sonnets . . . . 173 

BROWN, CARLETON, The Stonyhurst Pageants . . . . . 167 

BRYAN, W. F., The Verbal Ending 's' of the Third Person Singular . 324 
CHARLTON, H. B., Buckingham's Adaptation of ' Julius Caesar ' and a 

Note in the 'Spectator' . 171 

GREG, W. W., ' Bengemenes Johnsones Share ' . . ., . . 323 

MARTIN, L. C., ' Yet if his Majesty our Sovereign Lord' ... 169 

RAAMSDONK, I. N., ' La Changun de Rainoart ' 173 

RAAMSDONK, I. N., ' Ras ' in the ' Mystere d'Adam/482 ... 325 

RENWICK, W. L., Chaucer's Triple Roundel, ' Merciles Beaute ' . 322 
SEDGEFIELD, W. J., Suggested Emendations in Old English Poetical 

Texts 59 

SUMMERS, MONTAGUE, Doors and Curtains in Restoration Theatres . 66 

THALER, ALWIN, ' Bengemenes Johnsones Share ' 61 

vi Contents 


TUTTLE, EDWIN H., Notes on * The Seven Sages ' . . . . . 166 

WOLEDGE, G., An Allusion in Browne's ' Keligio Medici' ... 65 


Amos, F. R., Early Theories of Translation (R. H. Case) ... 74 

Barbi, M., Studi danteschi, II (E. G. Gardner) 354 

Baskett, W. D., Parts of the Body in the Later Germanic Dialects 

(W. E. Collinson) . 96 

Benedetto, L. F., Le Origini di 4 Salammbo ' (R. L. G. Ritchie) . ( . 94 

Bonnaffe, E., L'Anglicisme dans la langue frangaise (Paul Barbier) . 90 
Burchardt, C. B., Norwegian Life and Literature : English Accounts 

(Herbert G. Wright) 196 

Campbell, 0. J., The ' Roode en Witte Roos ' in the Saga of Richard III 

(P. Geyl) 191 

Carre", J. M., Goethe en Angleterre (Arthur E. Turner) .... 364 

Crane, T. F., Italian Social Customs of the 16th Century (E. G. Gardner) 184 

Cruickshank, A. H., Philip Massinger (H. Dugdale Sykes) . , . 340 

Dante, The Letters of, ed. by P. Toynbee (E. G. Gardner) , . . 183 

Deanesly, M., The Lollard Bible (E. W. Watson) . - -L ... 72 

Dibelius, W., Charles Dickens (Oliver Elton) 350 

English Madrigal Verse, ed. by E. H. Fellowes (G. C. Moore Smith) . 332 

Ermatinger, E., G. Kellers Leben, Briefe und Tagebucher (J. M. Clark) 190 

Gil Vicente, Four Plays, ed. by A. F. G. Bell (George Young) . . 186 
Keiser, A., The Influence of Christianity on Old English Poetry (L. L. 

Schiicking) 176* 

Mutschmann, H., Milton und das Licht (H. J. C. Grierson) . . . 343 

Old English Ballads, ed. by H. E. Rollins (Arundell Esdaile) . . 330 

Pange, M. du, Les Lorrains et la France au Moyen-Age (Jessie Croslaud) . 180 

Parodi, E. G., Poesia e storia nella * Divina Commedia ' (E. G. Gardner) 354 

Paul, H., Deutsche Grammatik, V, iv (W. E. Collinson) ... 187 

Percy Reprints, The, Nos. 1, 2, ed. by H. F. B. Brett-Smith (R. H. Case) 77 

Price, H. T., The Text of Henry V (A. W. Pollard) . 339 

Price, L. M., English > German Literary Influences (L. A. Willoughby) 192 

Ramsay. M. P., Les Doctrines m^die" vales chez Donne (H. J. C. Grierson) 343 

Royal Society of Literature, Transactions, xxxvii (R. H. Case) . . 178 

Saurat, D., La Pensee de Milton (H. J. C. Grierson) .... 343 

Schiicking, L. L., Die Charakterprobleme bei Shakespeare (H. V. Routh) 78 
Shakespeare, W., Henry VI, i ; Othello (Yale Shakespeare) (R. B. 

McKerrow) 177 

Shakespeare, W., Henry V (Australasian Shakespeare) (R. B. MeKerrow) 1 77 
Spanish Literature, Cambridge Readings in, ed. by J. Fitzmaurice- 

Kelly (H. E. Butler) . 357 

Surrey, Earl of, Poems, ed. by F. M. Padelford (G. D. Willcock) . . 336 

Swann, H. J., French Terminologies in the Making (R. L. G. Ritchie) . 182 

Thomas, H., Spanish and Portuguese Romances of Chivalry (W. P. Ker) 356 

Vega, Lope de, Obras, III (H. A. Rennert) 358 

Wyld, HL C., A History of Colloquial English (J. H. G. Grattan) . . 87 

Contents vii 


Chamard, H., Origines de la Poesie francaise de la Renaissance . . 198 

Evelyn, John, Early Life and Education, ed. by H. Maynard Smith . 370 

Farnell, I., Spanish Prose and Poetry ....... 99 

Feist, S., Worterbuch der gotischen Sprache, I 98 

Langenfelt, G., Toponymies 370 

Lanson, G., Esquisse d'une Histoire de la Tragedie frangaise . . 371 

Lyon, J. H. H., 'The New Metamorphosis ' by J. M. Gent ... 197 

Macclintock, L., Sainte-Beuve's Critical Theory and Practice . . 199 

Neri, F., II Chiabrera e la Pleiade francese . . . . . . 372 

Quiller-Couch, Sir Arthur, On the Art of Reading . . . . j 98 

Oxford Italian Series, i, ii 200 

Selections from Saint-Simon, ed. by A. Tilley 199 

Thomas, H., Catalogue of Spanish Books 372 

Van Doren, M., Poetry of John Dryden 371 

Yea'r Book of Modern Languages, ed. by G. Waterhouse ... 98 




IT is not my intention to begin from the beginning to construct a 
theory of authorship for Appius and Virginia, but rather to supplement 
the conclusions of the late Mr Rupert Brooke, published in The Modern 
Language Review, vol. vm, No. 4, October 1913, and more fully in his 
John Webster and the Elizabethan Drama. And first I must say that 
I accept, with only slight modifications, Mr Brooke's findings, which were 
thus summed up : 

' General, critical, and aesthetic impressions, more particular examination of various 
aspects, and the difficulty of fitting it in chronologically, make it impossible to 
believe that Appius and Virginia is by Webster, while the evidence in favour of 
his authorship is very slight. All these considerations, and also remarkable features 
of vocabulary and characterisation, make it highly probable that it is by Hey wood. 
The slight similarities between The Duchess of Malji and Appius and Virginia may 
be due to Webster borrowing in The Duchess of Malji from Heywood, or revising 
Appius and Virginia, or having, not for the first time, collaborated with Heywood, 
but very subordinately. In any case, Appius and Virginia must be counted among 
Heywood's plays ; not the best of them, but among the better ones ; a typical 
example of him in his finer moments,, written rather more carefully than is usual 
with that happy man 1 .' 

Mr Brooke will allow only that Webster, if he revised, ' shortened and 
made more dramatic the very beginning of the play, and heightened, or 
even rewrote, the trial scerie (iv, I) 2 .' The only criticism I make is that 
I trace Webster's hand rather more frequently but not more integrally 
than in these two scenes. 

Further work on Appius and Virginia may seem supererogatory 
after Mr Brooke's brilliant and convincing argument for Heywood's 
authorship. I would not undertake to say anything more, agreeing as 
I do entirely with the attribution and conclusion arrived at, if I did not 
think it worth while to dot the i's and cross the t's of Mr Brooke's 
critique and to look at the question anew from the side of Heywood 
rather than from that of Webster. 

The first point, which I would stress more strongly than has been 
done, is almost purely aesthetic. The difference of the play from 
anything certainly by Webster needs no further emphasising, but just 
wherein the dissimilarity lies has been indicated only in a general 
fashion. From the construction and the tragic conception to the metre 

1 John Webster and the Elizabethan Drama, pp. 204-5. 2 Ibid. p. 203. 

M. L. R.XVI. 1 

2 The Authorship of 'Appius and Virginia' 

and vocabulary, through the whole gamut of the critical scale, the play 
is false to the Websterian note while at the same time, to my ears at 
least after a pretty thorough study of Hey wood's plays, poems and 
prose, it is almost pure Hey wood. Hardly anything in Appius and 
Virginia could not have been written by Heywood, although there are 
passages unlike his technique : but there is much so absolutely un- 
Websterian that one wonders whether Moseley did not assign it to 
Webster out of mere charity. That there is much dramatic work 
of Heywood's extant but unidentified is highly probable when one 
remembers his avowed voluminousness 1 . He was a classical scholar of 
no mean attainments, if often very careless in his use of his learning, 
almost a third of his extant plays having a classical background and 
one of these being as like Appius and Virginia as one twin is to 
another. There is therefore an a priori argument for a Heywoodian 
origin, slight as that may be. 

Webster is notoriously 'romantic/ even among his contemporaries, 
in construction ; he impresses by his scenes, never by a whole play ; he 
uses every device, legitimate or questionable, for producing the desired 
effect. Yet this tale is told in full, not by a series of impressionist 
sketches which make up by their vigour for what they lack in continuity, 
but in a straightforward, downright, naive, complete and unsuggestive 
manner. It is as if a child were narrating the story, leaving nothing 
out, trusting little to the hearer's intelligence and finishing off with 
rewards and punishments. This is exactly the practice of Heywood; 
he ' cannot keep counsel, he tells all,' but with the addition, as here, of 
the skill of an experienced playwright and actor. 

Moreover, the play has the simplicity of plot that Heywood preferred : 
he avoids the intrigue that crowds everything else out of the five acts in 
favour of one sufficiently obvious to permit of subsidiary episodes and 
extraneous characters so long as they do not render it unintelligible. 
The conception of tragedy, implicit in Appius and Virginia, is medieval : 
that is to say, it is no more than a pathetic tale, a tale which, curiously 
enough, was one of the most frequently told in the middle ages. But 
it is Heywood's conception of tragedy: in his canon we are never 
conscious of the 'triumph of the inner self/ the emergence of the 
protagonist spiritually triumphant even in death, which is the essence 
of Webster's drama as it is of Shakespeare's. It is true that the 

1 Indeed I believe that some non-dramatic work of Heywood's is still anonymous ; 
especially do I think that The Actors Remonstrance, 1643 (reprinted in W. C. Hazlitt's 
English Drama) might be his. 


story is inherently unsuited for great tragedy : but is not the profound 
dramatist revealed as much by his choice as by his craftsmanship ? And 
is the plot such as would have naturally appealed to the sombre and 
exotic imagination of Webster ? 

The characters, too, are the merest shadows beside Bosola or 
Vittoria : they remind us almost of amateurish water-colours. We 
look in vain for the murky heat, the mysterious solemnity, the unex- 
plained but terribly natural motives of Webster's personages. It is 
inconceivable that Webster should make Virginia reveal herself and 
her creator's inadequacy in lines such as these : 

'My father's wondrous pensive, and withal 
With a suppress'd rage left his house displeas'd, 
And so in post is hurried to the camp : 
It sads me much ; to expel which melancholy, 
I have sent for company.' (n, I.) 1 

It is not uncommon, or unnatural for the voluminous Heywood so to 
lay bare the ' secret de Polichinelle.' It is enlightening to compare with 
the above a passage from The White Devil: when Vittoria leaves the 
stage, ' Brachiano turns/ says Mr Brooke, ' with a flaming whisper, to 
Flamineo. He wastes no words. He does not foolishly tell the audience, 
" I am in love with that woman who has just gone off." 

Brachiano. " Flamineo " 

Flamineo. "My lord?" 
Brachiano. "Quite lost, Flamineo." 

Webster thought dramatically 2 .' There are no examples in this play of 
Webster's studied effects in gesture, grouping, expression, which are as 
detailed and deliberate as the art of a painter. Appius is the childish 
ogre of a man like Heywood who never really painted a villain in his 
life, and who could not dispatch him without a relaxation of his assumed 
sternness. The clown, as has been noticed by Mr Brooke, is as truly 
Hey wood's as any which appear in his certified dramas, besides being as 
un-Websterian as one could well imagine. I have noticed that all 
Heywood's clowns, besides drenching us with puns which may once have 
been new, hardly ever fail to add a few Latin scraps (A. and V. II, 1); 
really 'quite unnatural in the very English personage wko speaks them 
and not to be accounted for by the necessities of the Roman setting. 
' His conceit is fluent/ as Collatine says of his kinsman in The Rape 
of Lucrece: but Webster, who had difficulty in finding words to go 
round his serious characters, would hardly introduce a spendthrift to 
drain his note-books. This type of clown, his attachment to the lady, 

1 Dyce's 4 vol. edition, 1830 and 1857. 2 Op. cit. 93. 


4 The Authorship of l Appius and Virginia 

his tone of voice, his impudence especially to a female attendant on 
the lady, his amorousness, the suggestion of the licensed fool rather 
than of the rustic, his acquaintance with the town, particularly on its 
disreputable side, his frequent mention of food and drink, appear in 
practically every play of Heywood; and in addition into Corbulo's 
mouth is put one of the Shakespearean reminiscences (Heywood's 
for a ducat !) : 

4 There's a certain fish, that, as the learned divulge, is called a shark : now this 
fish can never feed while he swims upon 's belly ; marry, when he lies upon his back, 
0, he takes it at pleasure.' (A. and V. in, 2.) 

Nor is the absence of Webster's rhetorical and stylistic devices any 
less striking : I would mention first one which I have never noticed in 
any critique, a trick of preparing the audience for an entrance by some 
such phrase as * Here's the Cardinal,' ' She comes,' ' The lord ambassadors.' 
The usage is not always so bald ; occasionally it can be extraordinarily 
effective as at the entrance of the mad Ferdinand : 

* Bosola. . . . Listen ; I hear 

One's footing. 

Ferdinand. Strangling is a very quiet death 1 .' 

I have counted seventeen such cues in The Duchess of Malfi, about a 
dozen or more in The White Devil and some six or seven in The Devil's 
Law Case, with, in all three plays, a few less clear announcements. In 
Appius and Virginia there are only three such preparatory entrance 
cues at the very most, one of them in a suspected passage (Act I, Scene 1, 
which, from the use of prose in Webster's manner and a quotation from 
The Duchess ofMalfi, Mr Brooke considered to have been revised by him). 
Again, to avoid monotony, Webster frequently apportions what is 
really a single long speech into sentences spoken alternately by two 
persons: cf. the opening of The White Devil or the lecture of the 
Cardinal and Ferdinand to their sister (D. of M. Act I, Scene 2), to 
which she replies : 

( I think this speech between you both was studied, 
It came so roundly off, 3 

a remark repeated almost verbatim but less relevantly in the court scene 
of Appius and Virginia which is the most Websterian part of the play ; 
but as the dialogue is not the dismembered fragments of a single speech, 
it looks extremely like a later addition. Still another mannerism of 
Webster's is the insertion of anecdotes or anecdotal similes into his 
dialogue, e.g. D. of M. Act ill, Scene 2, 1. 197 : 

1 The Duchess ofMalfi, v, 4. 


' Oh, the inconstant 

And rotten ground of service ! you may see 
'Tis even like him, that in a winter's night, 
Takes a long slumber o'er a dying fire, 
A-loth to part from 't ; yet parts thence as cold 
As when he first sat down : ' 

Examples of complete apologues are D. of M. Act ill, Scene 5, 1. 124, and 
Act III, Scene 2, 1. 121. This practice is perhaps related to a habit of 
speaking away from the subject to answer cryptically and at first sight 
irrelevantly, a means more effective than a kindred artifice of Webster's, 
of putting, in the remarks of some ' sarcastic knave,' strings of disjointed 
pungent aphorisms. These devices are equally foreign to the style of 
Appius and Virginia and to Hey wood : examples occur only of the first, 
one in Act v, Scene 1, which is already suspect from the re-appearance 
of the advocate and the satire on his profession, a common butt of 
Webster : 

' Let me alone ; I have learnt with the wise hedgehog, 
To stop my cave that way the tempest drives. 
Never did bear-whelp tumbling down a hill, 
With more art shrink his head betwixt his claws, 
Than I will work my safety ; ' 

another in the trial scene, and a third at the end of Act v, Scene 2. 
Webster has a partiality for similes from animals a kind of reformed 
euphuism e.g. from the dormouse, 

' He is so quiet that he seems to sleep 
The tempest out, as dormice do in winter' 

(cf. the above quotation from Appius and Virginia), the owl, the sala- 
mander, the cockatrice, the basilisk, the leveret, etc. Mr Brooke has 
noted his mathematical figures and his asides : I do not remember 
to have seen more than a passing reference in Mr Vaughan's essay in 
Cambridge History of English Literature, vol. 6, to the medicine, surgery, 
alchemy, astrology and science of his day with which his plays are packed, 
but which do not appear in Appius and Virginia. Nor has this play many 
of Webster's favourite words, ' foul ' (see John Webster and the Eliza- 
bethan Drama, p. 177), ' dunghill,' ' politic,' ' intelligence,' etc., and all the 
solemnities of the grave, its ' melancholy yew trees an<J death's-heads.' 
Webster's most remarkable feature is the thrift of his style, his making 
the very most of his materials, but with a restraint and power compar- 
able to Velazquez's manipulation of his seven colours. In direct contrast 
is the flaccid, fluent, facile manner of Appius and Virginia : which has 
not even the most platitudinous pregnancy there is not one detachable 
epigram in its five acts. 

Probably what first brands Appius and Virginia as apocryphal in 

6 The Authorship of '' Appius and Virginia' 

the Websterian canon is the metre. On this Mr Brooke has comparatively 
little to say. The White Devil and The Duchess of Malfi, says Professor 
Saintsbury, 'are among the most irregular productions, prosodically 
speaking, of all the great age ; the others are much less so, and Appius 
and Virginia, whether in compliment to its classical subject or not, is 
almost regular.... The Devil's Law Case stands nearer to the great 
plays than to Appius and Virginia. The last, when it is not prose, is 
fairly regular blank verse of the middle kind, neither as wooden as the 
earlier, nor as limber and sometimes limp, as the later 1 .' But in 
Webster's greater plays prose, verse and versified prose are inextricably 
jumbled. One might say that 'it was pain and grief to him ' to write 
verse ' and that he ' shirked it as much as possible 1 .' But while Webster 
found it easier to write prose, Heywood dropped most naturally into 
verse, and used it frequently when prose was preferable. 'Heywood/ 
says Professor Saintsbury, ' has a sort of tap of blank verse, not at all 
bad, which he can turn on at any time 2 .' Now Appius and Virginia 
has exactly this easy, undistinguished, tolerable verse which one finds 
everywhere in Heywood a versification characterised by its lack of 
characteristics. Mr Brooke has noted the frequency of rhyme, which, 
one might add, occurs in couplets and passages apparently irrationally, 
as prose does in Webster, and the large number of elisions. Heywood 
works on a strictly iambic basis and very rarely admits 'trisyllabic 
substitution,' ruthlessly expunging all hypermetric syllables, especially 
in his non-dramatic verse, whereas Webster freely uses anapaests and 
dactyls. Never, however, are Hey wood's lines cacophonous as Webster's 
frequently are, who throws all harmony to the winds to get the effect 

desired : 

' Cover her face ; mine eyes dazzle ; she died young.' 

Heywood does not break up his verse into such small phrases, but runs 
on and overflows from line to line : his syntax is not co-ordinative and 
disjunctive as Webster's is. Moreover Heywood fairly carefully dovetails 
his verse and rejects such licences as the Alexandrine. In every 
respect Appius and Virginia agrees with Heywood's practice. 

Mr Brooke thinks that there is an a priori probability of a play with 
some thirty years of acting life being altered during that period. As 
evidence that this play was altered, he adduces a passage of prose 
in the midst of verse (Act I, Scene 1), and the strange collapse of 
Icilius' hostility to Appius in Act II, Scene 3, after he had accused him 
of sinister intentions, which incident is followed by a different version 
1 History of English Prosody, vol. n, pp. 76-77. 2 Ibid. pp. 80-81. 


of it for no reason in Icilius' report to Virginia, etc., in Act ill, Scene 1. 
Dyce also remarks that the scene of this interview between Icilius and 
Appius is at first an outer apartment of the latter's house; but he 
reproves Marcus Claudius later, when Icilius has retired, for sending 
'a ruffian hither Even to my closet.' All these difficulties seem to point 
to an abbreviation of a work which in its longer form would have been 
quite intelligible. Such a supposition is supported by other facts which I 
shall adduce. In Act I, Scene 2, a servant interrupts the conversation 
of Icilius, Virginia and Numitorius who is saying a propos of what has 

gone before : 

'Thus ladies still foretell the funeral 
Of their lord's kindness. 

(Enter a servant, ivhispers ICILIUS in the ear] 
But, my lord, what news ? ' 

And despite the fact that a message of any length could not have been 
delivered, Icilius is able to give a detailed description of Virginius' 
arrival, appropriate only to an eye-witness : 

...'for his horse, 

Bloody with spurring, shows as if he came 
From forth a battle : never did you see 
'Mongst quails and cocks in fight a bloodier heel, 
Than that your brother strikes with.' etc. 

How does he know all this ? Is the servant not a later addition to 
disguise a cut in which Icilius had really seen Virginius ? Then in 
Scene 3 of the same act, which seems to take place in Appius' house, 
Valerius enters to him and Marcus, to announce to the former : 

'the Decemvirate entreat 
Your voice in this day's Senate,' 

to which Appius replies : 

'We will attend the Senate, 
Claudius, begone. 


In this case the mountain has come to Mahomet since we must now 
suppose the scene has changed to the senate-house while Appius has 
remained on the stage all the time 1 . Again in Act 111^ Scene 2, which 
to begin with is a street, Virginia enters with Corbulo and is seized by 
Marcus Claudius with four lictors : soon after Icilius and Numitorius 
enter, and in a short time Appius, who on being appealed to for justice, 
instead of adjourning, calls 

' Stools for my noble friends. I pray you sit 5 

1 Hazlitt, in his edition of Webster, 1857, makes a new scene begin with the entrance of 
the Senate. 

8 The Authorship of 'Appius and Virginia' 

as if the place were a chamber. Such a change of the locale while 
several characters remain on the stage is usually indicated by their 
walking round the stage (i.e. those acting in the first scene, by this 
circumambulation, really enter to the actors in the next, not the reverse 
as here). Twice at the end of scenes (there may be more which a 
student of dramatic psychology might observe) occur passages which 
are quite irrelevant. This is especially noteworthy at the conclusion of 
Act in, Scene 3, a short scene in which Marcus praises Appius' policy 
and Appius asserts his confidence in its success, to which the client 

replies : 

' Mercury himself 
Could not direct more safely.' 

Appius immediately and irrelevantly continues the dialogue : 

'0 my Claudius, 

Observe this rule ; one ill must cure another ; 
As aconitum, a strong poison, brings 
A present cure against all serpents' stings. 
In high attempts the soul hath infinite eyes, 
And 'tis necessity makes men most wise. 
Should I miscarry in this desperate plot, 
This of my fate in aftertirnes be spoken, 
I'll break that with my weight on which I'm broken.' 

There has been no set-back to Appius' success : I suggest that here we 
have Webster's attempt (note the medical and zoological lore and the 
lack of association between the thoughts as well as a close resemblance 
to a passage in Ben Jonson, one of Webster's favourite authors) to 
heighten what seemed to him too tame. Again at the end of Act ill, 
Scene 2, which has already been noticed as suspicious (see above), after 
Appius withdraws, seemingly enraged at Marcus whom he has ordered 
to be committed a prisoner to his own house to ensure his appearance 
as appellant, Icilius and Virginia are left alone : 

* Icilius. Sure all this is damned cunning. 
Virginia. 0, my lord, 

Seamen in tempests shun the flattering shore ; 

To bear full sails upon 't were danger more : 

So men overborne with greatness still hold dread 

False seeming friends that on their bosoms spread : 

For this is a safe truth which never varies, 

He that strikes all his sails seldom miscarries. 
Icilius. Must we be slaves both to a tyrant's will, 

And [to] confounding ignorance, at once ? 

Where are we, in a mist, or is this hell ? 

I have seen as great as the proud judge have fell : 

The bending willow yielding to each wind, 

Shall keep his rooting firm, when the proud oak, 

Braving the storm, presuming on his root, 

Shall have his body rent from head to foot : 

Let us expect the worst that may befall, 

And with a noble confidence bear all.' 


These remarks are not at all, in sense or verse (or grammar), like the 
rest of the scene. They have no obvious connexion with' what has gone 
before or with each other. I offer as a tentative suggestion that these 
lines are a cento, made by some reviser of the play from a much longer 
interview between Icilius and Virginia, and without much care to assign 
the right remarks to their respective owners : a dialogue in which 
Virginia advised a policy of apparent submission and Icilius argued for 
the reverse, which is supported slightly by Virginia's exclamation earlier 

in the same scene : 

' my Icilius, your incredulity 
Hath quite undone me.' 

This remark is quite meaningless as the play now stands : we hear 
nothing before of Icilius being too credulous (?of Appius) or incredulous 
of her warnings. It may be that a sub-plot, woven around the opposing 
plans of Virginia and Icilius to circumvent Appius, has been lost. 
Another fact, hitherto unnoticed, is that two persons, Julia and 
Calphurnia, appear in the list of dramatis personae ; but they appear 
only once and say nothing. I believe this silence indicates another cut, 
probably soon after Act n, Scene 1, where Virginia bids Corbulo : 

'Sirrah, go tell Calphurnia I am walking 
To take the air : entreat her company ; 
Say I attend her coming : ' 

the encounter might have given us a scene like the visit of Valeria to 
Volumnia and Virgilia in Coriolanus. 

As in all Heywood's acknowledged plays, there are several Shake- 
spearean echoes. The writer was undoubtedly influenced by the 
severity of Coriolanus : the camp scenes in Appius and Virginia and 
the trouble with the plebs are specially worthy of comparison. I have 
already noted the clown's reminiscence of Falstaff. The interview 
between Icilius and Appius (Act n, Scene 3) recalls Hamlet's visit 
to his mother after the play scene : one might cite the lines, spoken 
by Icilius : 

' Sit still, or by the powerful gods of Rome 

I'll nail thee to thy chair : but suffer me, 

I'll offend nothing but thine ears. 9 

Appius. Our secretary ! 

Icilius. Tempt not a lover's fury ; if thou dost, 

Now by my vow, insculpt in heaven, I'll send thee 
Appius. You see I am patient.' 

The line, 

'This sight has stiffened all my operant powers,' (Act v, Scene 3.) 

also recalls Hamlet : 

'My operant powers their function leave to do.' (Act in, Scene 2.) 

10 The Authorship of Appius and Virginia' 

(Hamlet was a special favourite of Heywood's : there are at least four 
imitations in A Maidenhead Well Lost.) Dyce has noted the debt to 
Julius Caesar : 

'To that giant, 
The high Colossus that bestrides us all.' (Act in, Scene 1.) 

From Othello comes a single phrase : 

'Had your lordship yesterday 
Proceeded, as 'twas fit to a just sentence, 
The apparel and the jewels that she wore, 
More worth than all her tribe, had then been due 
Unto our client :' (Act iv, Scene 1.) 

and one, either from Coriolanus or the induction to 2 Henry IV: 

'The world is chang'd now. All damnations 
Seize on the hydra-headed multitude, 
That only gape for innovation. 
0, who would trust a people!' (Act v, Scene 3.) 

Heywood's indebtedness to Shakespeare is no mere fancy: I could 
quote many passages, not a few scenes, some motifs, and perhaps a few 
characters, more or less directly borrowed. Webster, on the other hand, 
is not influenced in his dialogue to anything like the same degree by 
his greater contemporary. Sidney, Jonson, Marston, the satirists, and 
especially Donne, as Mr Brooke has pointed out, are the persons from 
whom he purloined and whom he plagiarised verbatim, whereas Hey wood, 
like the writer of this play, speaks Shakespeare because he cannot help 
it, and perhaps does not know it. Webster's borrowings are of an 
aphoristic character. 

The following list supplements and adds to Mr Brooke's examination 
of the vocabulary of Appius and Virginia which in this respect I can 
confidently assert is nearer to The Rape of Lucrece than to any other 
drama 1 . 

'Confine' in the sense of 'banish,' 'exile' (A. and V. v, 3). Brazen Age 211, 
Apology for Actors (' The Author to his Booke'), Hierarchy 74, Golden Age 41. 

* Obdure' (A. and V. iv, 2), an adj. meaning 'obdurate' or, more generally, ' hard.' 
This rare Latinism occurs in Pleasant Dialogues 114, TvixiiKflov 46, 362, 393, 435, 
Silver Age 144, Hierarchy 312, 365, 498, Love's Mistress 138,. Brazen Age 171. 

' Obdure ' as a verb, Hierarchy 82. 

' Obdure-hearted,' which is not in N.E />., is in TwaiKclov 353. 

1 I do not give occurrences of the words already given by Mr Brooke, but such 
additional and therefore confirming examples ab I have noticed. 

The following were the editions used : for the plays, pageants and the Pleasant 
Dialogues, The Dramatic Works of Thomas Heywood, 6 vols., Pearson, 1874; The 
Hierarchy of the Blessed Angels, London 1635, fol. ; rWt/cetov, London, 1624, fol. ; 
Apology for Actors, Shakespeare Society reprint, 1841 ; Britain's Troy, London, 1609 ; 
England's Elizabeth, Harleian Miscellany; Nobody and Somebody, Tudor Facsimile Texts, 
ed. Farmer, No. 76, 1911. The numbers refer to pages unless in prefaces, etc., where no 
pagination is found. 


'Palped' (A. and V. m, 1), 'perceptible by touch.' Mr Brooke says there are 
only three known instances of this word : the two others are both from Heywood. 
But I have found another instance, also Heywoodian, in Hierarchy 27 : 

' So void of sens' ble light, and so immur'd, 
With palped darknesse.' 

' Deject' (A. and V. I, 1) in its literal sense. Fair Maid of the West 405 : 
' Upon a poor dejected gentleman 
Whom fortune hath dejected even to nothing,' 

Royal King 24, 25, 43, 71, Silver Age 91, Four Prentises 167, 168. 

' Dejected ' = ' deposed' occurs in Nobody and Somebody, which was certainly 
pretty thoroughly revised by Heywood, Sig. d 1? e 2 , hj. ' Dejection,' Fair Maid of the 
West 392, Golden Age 39. ' Dejectednesse,' Royal King and Loyal Subject 15. 

'Prostrate' (A. and V. i, 3, twice) is used by Heywood both as an adj. and as a 
verb with the same rare metaphorical meaning as here. As a verb Fair Maid of the, 
West 403 : 

'Behold, w'are two poor English gentlemen, 
Whom travell hath enforc't through your Dukedom, 
As next way to our countrey, prostrate you 
Our lives and services.' 

If you know not me, etc. 196 : 

'Gracious Queene, 

Your humble subiects prostrate in my mouth 
A general suit,' 

and as an adj., A Royal King, etc. 64 : 

'My prostrate duty to the king my Master 

I here present.' 
76-7: 'Saw your Majesty 

With what an humble zeale, and prostrate love 
He did retender your faire Daughters Dower 1 ?' 

' Infinite' (A. and V. I, 3), 'infinite in number' : very unusual. It was a special 
favourite of Hey wood's, and in addition to Mr Brooke's citations, I adduce Hierarchy 
25, 83, 362, 394, 481, 537, TwaiKlov 133, 203, 280, 316, Londini Speculum 310, 
Challenge for Beauty 8, 28, Iron Age 284 : 

' He and Hecuba, 

My nine and forty brothers, Princes all, 
Of Ladies and bright Virgins infinite.' 

'Invasive' (A. and V. i, 3) : 

' The iron wall 
That rings this pomp in from invasive steel.' 

Mr Brooke notes the repetition of the phrase ' invasive steel ' in Golden Age 40 ; but 
'to ring' is also a Heywoodian usage, cf. Lu-crece 242 : 

' if thou front'st them, thou art ring'd 
With million swords and darts.' , 

' Mediate ' = ' beg on somebody else's behalf,' or a similar sense is very rare (A. 
and V. n, 1) : 

'You mediate excuse for courtesies.' 

447, Fortune by Land and Sea 374, Pleasant Dialogues 277, Londini 
Sinus Salutis 296. 

'Infallid' (A. and V. n, 3) : 

'Upon my infallid evidence.' 
N.E.D. gives only two other examples of this very rare word of which one is 

12 The Authorship of'Appius and Virginia 1 

Hierarchy 308 (v. John Webster and the Elizabethan Drama], It occurs twice else- 
where in Hierarchy 285 : 

'Th' infallid testimonie... 
Of the most sacred Scriptures.' 

311 : 'And to give infalled testimonie of their faith.' 

It will be noted that all the occurrences of the word in Heywood and the example 
from Appius and Virginia relate to evidence. 
'Thrill' (A. and V. iv, 2): 

'Let him come thrill his partisan 
Against this breast.' 
Cf. Brit. Troy xm, Ixx : 

'He thrild a lavelin at the Dardan's breast.' 
Pleasant Dialogues 301, Twa.iK.eiov 223. 
' Novel '(A. and F. iv, 2): 

' Marshal yourselves, and entertain this novel 
Within a ring of steel.' 

Cf. Hierarchy, argument to Book 8; 28, 508, 611, TwatKclov 134, 356, Brazen Age 
210. ' Novelty' in the same sense occurs several times in Heywood. 

'Ave' (A. and V. v, 3): 

'One reared on a popular suffrage 
Whose station's built on aves and applause.' 

I have no other instance to add but note the parallel to the quotation, Silver Age 95 : 

' With like applause and suffrage shall be scene 
The faire Andromeda crown'd Argos queen.' 

'Strage' (Lat. 'strages') (A. and V. v, 3)-: 

'I have not dreaded famine, fire, nor strage.' 

In the later form of Mr Brooke's essay on Appius and Virginia, a foot-note says the 
earlier version had about a dozen more examples of this word than the two in the 
text. It may be useful to give the examples I have noted : Pleasant Dialogues 111, 
143, 343, Hierarchy 54, 89, 163, 230, 276, 436, 492, 511, 569, 589, 605, Twai^lov 441, 
lus Honorarium 271, Londini Status Pacatus 371, 373. 

To Mr Brooke's list I add the following : 
' Imposturous ' (A. and V. iv, 1) : 

'And verily 
All Rome held this for no imposturous stuff.' 

This rare word is found in The Woman-Hater but not in Shakespeare. Cf. 
Hierarchy 289 : 

'Further to speake of his impost'rous lies,' 

308, 468, TwaiKfiov 103 ' I will therefore shut up all their imposturous lies in one 
short... truth,' Silver Age 112. 

'Lust-burnt' (A. and V. v, 3) : 

'Redeem a base life with a noble death 
And through your lust-burnt veins confine your breath.' 

The only example of this rare compound in N.E.D. is from Silver Age 143 : 
' The lust-burn'd and wine-heated monsters.' 

' Lust-burning,' the nearest to it, is found in Sylvester. The word is, however, 
common in Heywood. The English Traveller 58, The Rape of Lucrece 222, 236, 
241, Brazen Age 180. It is worthy of remark that ' confine '=;' banish,' also in the 
above quotation, is almost exclusively Heywoodian. 


'Manage' (A. and V. I, 3 and in, 1) : 

'Are you the high state of Decemviri 
That have those things in manage?' 
and : ' I'll leave it to thy manage.' 

This usage is, of course, not confined to Hey wood, but it is very typical of him. 
Cf. Fair Maid of the West 316 : 

'The manage of the fight 
We leave to you.' 

Silver Age 95, The Rape of Lucrece 210. 
'Motion' (A. and V. 11, 2 and in, 2) : 

"Tis a motion (i.e. proposal) 
Which nature and necessity commands.' 

'I think the motion's honest.' 

I give this common Elizabethan word merely because of its frequency in Heywood 
who seems never to use any synonym for it. Fair Maid of the West 308, 320, If you 
know not me, etc. 252, 261, 263, Pleasant Dialogues 181, Hierarchy 550, TwaiKclov 
120, 121, 130, 142, 143, 2G2, 448, 460, English Traveller 45, Wise Woman of Hogsdon 
289, Londini Speculum 309, The Late Lancashire Witches 177, England's Elizabeth 
310, 322, Iron Age 307, 393, 399. 

'Comrague' (A. and V. iv, 2) : 

'Comrague, I fear 

Appius will doom us to Actaeon's death.' 

Dyce says he had several examples of this word, but mislaid all but the case in the 
Lancashire Witches of Heywood and Brome 44 : 

'Nay, rest by me, 

Good Morglay, my comrague and bed-fellow.' 
N.E.D. lists this example under 'comrogue.' 
'Enthronise' (A. and V. iv, 2) : 

' Let him come thrill his partisan 

Against this breast, that through a large wide wound 
My mighty soul might rush out of this prison, 
To fly more freely to yon crystal palace, 
Where honour sits enthronis'd.' 

The whole passage, at a venture, one would say, came from Heywood's Ages. I don't 
know of any occurrence of 'enthronise' (cf. Raleigh's History of the World 1614, 
' Now inthronized he sits on high In golden Palace of the starry skie ') in Heywood, 
but the termination ' -ise ' is a common means of making a verb in his work, e.g. 
eternize,' ' etimologise,' ' monarchise,' ' metarnorphise,' ' merchandize,' ' peculiarize.' 

'Impart' (A. and V. v, 3) : 

' Grieves it thee 
To impart (i.e. to share in) my sad disaster?' 

Not in Shakespeare : cf. Fortune by Land and Sea 398 : 

' I am likely to impart his loss,' 

404, English Traveller 63, 68, Four Prentises 194, Pleasant Dialogues 17 4, m Silver 
Age 95. 

'Opposite' (A. and V. in, 1) : 

' If you will needs wage eminence and state 
Choose out a weaker opposite.' 

Very common in Heywood, Royal King, etc. 55, 55, If you know not me, etc. 195, 
197, A Woman Killed ivith Kindness, 130, Apology for Actors 44, Hierarchy 12, 202, 
Lucrece 192, Challenge for Beauty 14, 23, 35, England's Elizabeth 315, 330, Iron 
Age 299, 320, 341, 362. 

14 The Authorship of'Appius and Virginia ' 

' Opposite to ' = ' opposed to. 5 Londini Speculum 314. 

* Opposite ' = ' hostile.' Royal King 6, 6, Hierarchy 268, 497, TwaiKelov 330, Iron 
Age 370, Golden Age 74. 

'Eegreets' (A. and V. in, 1) : 

' Yet ere myself could reach Virginia's chamber, 
One was before me with regreets (i.e. fresh greetings) from him.' 

In Shakespeare only in sense of 'greeting' : of. Fair Maid of the West 419, Iron 
Age 329. 

' Scandal,' as a verb (A. and V. in, 1) : 

'Know you the danger what it is to scandal 
One of his place and sway.' 

In Shakespeare : common in Heywood, e.g. Fair Maid of the West 378, Edward IV 
177, A Maidenhead Well Lost 105, 105, 119, 151 (Nobody and Somebody Sig. e 2 ). 

' Statist' (A. and V. i, 3, and in, 1) : 

' To you the statists of long-flourishing Rome,' 
and: 'for your private ends... 

Against that statist, spare to use your spleen.' 

Only twice in Shakespeare: twice also in England's Elizabeth 314, 330. 
'Torved' (A. and V. v, 3) : 

'but yesterday his breath 
Aw'd Rome, and his least torved frown was death.' 

All the derivatives of Lat. * torvus ' are very rare and obsolete. ' Torvity ' occurs in 
Londini Speculum 307 ' wherein hee might behold the torvity and strange alteration 
of his countenance.' 

Many of these words, if taken singly, would prove nothing ; but the 
fact that all of them are found in Heywood's works, some frequently, is 
an almost incontrovertible argument for his authorship. There are 
many others which go to make up the Heywoodian word-hoard, but are 
less peculiar to him, e.g. ' aspire ' = ' aspire to/ ' back ' = ' to ride upon/ 
' beautify/ ' censure/ ' distaste ' = ' to express dislike of/ ' inhabit ' = ' to 
dwell/ ' insculpt/ ' lift ' = ' lifted/ ' mount ' = ' to- raise/ ' to pleasure/ 
' suspect ' = ' suspicion/ ' fame ' = ' to make famous/ ' interpose ' = ' to 
intercept/ ' to slave ' = ' to enslave/ ' to siege ' = ' to besiege/ ' to sad ' 
v.t., ' to wage ' = (i) ' to pay wages to ' and (ii) ' to wage war with/ 
' ague ' = ' to make tremble with fear/ ' to cashier/ ' satiety ' = ' satisfac- 
tion/ etc. The only really uncommon words which I have not found in 
Heywood's acknowledged works were ' to concionate ' = ' to harangue ' 
(it occurs in a remarkably Heywoodian passage, Act V, Scene 3), 
' to oratorize - in the same passage (Heywood has ' to orator ' in English 
Traveller 68 : see also ' enthronise ' above) and ' Panthean ' (' all you 
Panthean gods/ Act n, Scene 3 : Heywood has ' enthean ' (Hierarchy 25), 
' Hymenean ' (TvvaLicelov 337, 338)). In any case Heywood has a 
long list of aVaf Xeyo/-tez>a, and these three, all of them formed on 
analogies similar to his, are rather favourable than the reverse to the 


claim for his authorship. Practically all the compounds, of which there 
are many in Appius and Virginia, Heywood was an inveterate 
compounder while Webster was not either appear in Heywood's 
undoubted plays and compilations, e.g. ' new-reap'd,' ' short-liv'd,' ' lust- 
burnt/ ' trindle-tale ' ; or are formed on the models from which he 
worked, e.g. ' sweet-toothed,' ' true-bred,' ' sharp-pointed ' (cf. ' sweet- 
tuned/ ' sweet-featur'd,' 'true-hearted,' ' true-stampt,' 'true-breasted,' 
' shallow-witted/ ' thick-leav'd,' * thin-fac'd,' etc.), 'bondslave-like' (cf. 
'horse-like,' 'subject-like,' 'star-like/ 'sphere-like,' etc.), 'long-flourish- 
ing' (cf. 'long-neglected,' 'long-continued,' ' long-liv'd/ 'long-sided/ 
etc.), 'hydra-headed' (cf. 'hare-hearted,' 'horse-tricks'), 'sword-proof 
{cf. 'star-spangled,' 'silver-coloured,' 'soul-vext,' ' sayle-winged,' 'state- 
quaking,' etc.). 

Not much can be deduced from the syntax of the play. As was 
noticed above, the sentence structure is much less co-ordinative and 
broken than Webster's, being indeed indistinguishable from Heywood's. 
There are one or two mannerisms which are peculiarly Heywoodian. 
The first we might call the ' imperative hypothesis ' (A. and V. II, 2) : 

'Sound all the drams and trumpets in the camp 
To drown my utterance, yet above them all 
I'll read our just complaint,' 

and (A. and V. II, 2): 

'Show but among them all so many scars 
As stick upon this flesh, I'll pardon them.' 

Cf. English Traveller 21 : 

' Ope but thy lips againe, it makes a way 
To have thy tongue pluck'd out,' 

etc. etc. 

Heywood very frequently omits 'neither' : A. and V. ill, 1 : 

'Where Appius nor his Lictors, those bloodhounds, 
Can hunt her out.' 

Cf. Londini Speculum 314 : 

' Masking nor mourning cannot change their tone. ' 
English Traveller 73 : * 

'Sir, sir, your threats nor warrants can fright me.' 
Royal King 53 : 

' Thy teares nor knee shall once prevaile with us.' 

The use of the reflexive instead of the personal pronoun is also like 
Heywood: A. and F.-ii, 3, 'ere herself could study Her answer,' in, 1 
' ere myself could reach Virginia's chamber.' But more convincing to me 

16 The Authorship of 'Appius and Virginia' 

are such passages as the following, which there is hardly any possibility 
of assigning to another than Heywood : 

* Or if the general's heart be so obdure 

To an old begging soldier, have I here 

No honest legionary of mine own troop, 

At whose bold hand and sword, if not entreat, 

I may command a death ? ' (iv, 2.) 


' Where should a poor man's cause be heard but here ? 

To you the statists of long-flourishing Rome, 

To you I call, if you have charity, 

If you be human, and not qufte given o'er 

To furs and metal ; if you be Romans, 

If you have any soldier's blood at all 

Flow in your veins, help with your able arms 

To prop a sinking camp : an infinite 

Of fair Rome's sons, cold, weak, hungry, and clotheless 

Would feed upon your surfeit.' (i, 3.) 

The play nearest Appius and Virginia in source, unlocalised 
anachronistic setting, characters and style is, as has already been said, 
The Rape of Lucrece. Mr Brooke has noted the quite extraordinary 
parallel to the non-payment of the soldiers and its consequences in 
A Maidenhead Well Lost, but he does not quote the most remarkable 
passages : cf. A . and V. Act i, Scene 3 : 

' ! my soldiers, 

Before you want, I'll sell my small possessions 
Even to my skin to help you ; plate and jewels, 
All shall be yours.' 

with M. Well Lost 113 : 

'even for griefe, 

That he could neither furnish us with pay 
Which was kept back, nor guerdon us with spoile, 
What was about him he distributed, 
Even to the best deservers, as his garments, 
His Armes, and T^nt.' 

and 115 : 

'All his Gold and lewels 
I have already added, yet are we still 
To score to souldiery.' 

and 109 : 

' We understand that by this negligence 
He has beene put to much extremity 
Of Dearth and Famine, many a stormy night 
Beene forc'd to roofe himselfe i' th' open field, 
Nay more then this, much of his owne revenue 
He hath expended, all to pay his Souldiers.' 

In Act Hi, Scene 4, Corbulo says, ' The Lord Appius hath committed 
her to ward, and it is thought she shall neither lie on the knight 
side, nor in the twopenny ward ; for if he may have his will of her, he 
means to put her in the hole ' (various divisions of a prison) : cf. Fair 
Maid of the Exchange 24 : 


* Cripple. What, sirra, didst thou lie in the Knight's ward, or on the Master's 

Bowdler. Neither, neither, yfaith. 

Cripple. Where then, in the Hole 1 ' 

The conclusion I would come to is that the play was plotted and 
written by Heywood and as a companion piece to The Rape of Lucrece, 
after the appearance of Coriolanus. There may be a reference to 
Chapman's The Widdowes Teares in Corbulo's remark, ' Of all waters 
I would not have my beef powdered with a widow's tears ' (in, 2). The 
obscurity of part of the action precludes the possibility of Webster's 
collaboration at the outset : but later by order of the company he 
hastily revised it, making several cuts and only roughly sewing the 
jagged edges together, for the task was not much to his liking. He 
seems to have excised entirely any scene in which Julia and Calphurnia 
spoke, simplified, without making more intelligible, the plot by removing 
what could only have been a sub-plot of Icilius and Virginia to delude 
Appius, and shortened at the expense of clarity the meeting of Icilius 
and Appius at the latter's house, besides introducing two accounts 
conflicting with each other and the facts. Webster had a partiality 
for law-suits and probably the difference from Heywood's usual style 
in the court scene in Appius and Virginia is due to the former's 
remodelling and retouching. Moreover his hand is traceable in the pre- 
liminary hearing of the suit, especially in Appius' description of Marcus : 

'But will you truly know his character? 
He was at first a petty notary ; 
A fellow that, being trusted with large sums 
Of honest citizens, to be employ'd 
I' th' trade of usury ; this gentleman, 
Couching his credit like a tilting-staff, 
Most cunningly it brake, and at one course 
He ran away with thirty thousand pound... 

...he hath sold his smiles 
For silver, but his promises for gold ; 
His delays have undone men. 
The plague that in some folded cloud remains, 
The bright sun soon disperseth ; but observe, 
When black infection in some dunghill lies, 
There's work for bells and graves, if it do rise.' (in, 2.) 

The dishonest advocate, one of Webster's bug-bears, i probably also 
his introduction (he does not appear in Painter or Livy) in the court 
scene, and I believe that Act v, Scene 1, in which this person re-appears, 
is Webster's also. Mr Brooke has already drawn attention to traces of 
his style in Act I, Scene 1 : nor, I am sure, is his touch wanting in 
minor details elsewhere. But the revisal was incomplete and hurried : 
the bulk of the play is Heywood's alone. 


M.L.R.XVI. 2 


IT is generally recognised by competent critics that the post- 
Restoration drama simply continues and develops the habits of the 
Caroline drama. Certain allowances must be made for the exercise of 
new influences and for certain new theatrical conditions. French influence 
has been asserted and denied again and again, but I hope to show that 
a certain definite French influence is incontestable. Alterations in the 
shape of the stage, the introduction of scenery, the appearance of female 
actors, and the far-reaching influence of the new opera must be taken 
into account, but the main elements of the Heroic Play, the heroic 
personae dramatis, the love-interest, and the point of honour, are as 
clearly seen in the plays of Goffe or Cartwright or Carlell as in those of 
Orrery or Dryden. It is principally in form and in the employment of 
mechanical contrivances on the stage that the post-Restoration drama 
is original. 

In both these respects it is usual to look to Davenant as the pioneer. 
The Siege of Rhodes is an important document, but its importance as an 
influence is questionable. It exhibits, no doubt, the earliest expression 
of heroic material in rhyme, but it must be noted that the verse is not 
mainly heroic. The couplet appears, but the staple is lyrical. It is worth 
while to notice, too, that Davenant was not an enthusiast for the heroic 
couplet, even for non-dramatic uses, and employed in his Gondibert the 
so-called heroic quatrain. It would have been a strange irony if the 
contemner of the couplet for its natural employment had succeeded by 
his example in establishing it for its least appropriate use in the drama I 
In spite of this, however, The Siege of Rhodes is interesting to us. It 
indicates the strong heroic tendency of the age, and in an interesting 
passage of the preface casts a light upon the ' Heroic Play ' (perhaps the 
earliest use of the phrase) as a protest against the domestic comedy and 
tragedy of the Elizabethans. 

It is not only in literature that we find this reaction against the 
Bartholomew Fair of everyday life. The societies that grouped them- 
selves around the Duchess of Newcastle and Mrs Katherine Philips 
illustrate the same process. Mrs Philips, who becomes ' the matchless 
Orinda,' will interest us later, so she deserves our chief attention here. 
She and her friends seem to have created for themselves an ideal world, 


based on the most lofty ideas of virtue and friendship, rejecting their 
everyday names and titles to become Sylvanders and Ardelias, Antenors 
and Lucasias. It is small wonder that, in the literature cultivated by 
these circles, a dramatist should claim the liberty of ' drawing all things 
above the ordinary proportion of the stage as that is beyond the common 
words and actions of human life ' (Dryden, Of Heroic Plays). Heroic 
literature is simply the reflection of the endeavour to realise the Heroic 
ideal in actual life. 

When we leave the Heroic Temper and come to the problem of form, 
there is less unanimity. We must all admit the necessity for the 
abandonment of the blank verse of Suckling and Carlell, but there is 
not much agreement as to the circumstances and causes of the adoption 
of rhyme. Mr Gosse, in his XVIIth Century Studies, argues for the 
priority of Etheredge. ' As a point of fact/ he says, ' Dryden was the 
first to propose, and Etheredge the first to carry out, the experiment of 
writing plays in rhyme.' Now Dryden's preface to The Rival Ladies is 
dated 1664, The Comical Revenge belongs to the same year, so we may 
take it that Mr Gosse dates the introduction of rhyme from 1664. 
Unfortunately for his argument, an essay on ' the matchless Orinda ' in 
the same volume relates the story of the completion by the middle of 
October 1662, and the performance in Dublin in the following February 
of her rhymed translation of Corneille's Pompee. Writing in the M.L.R. 
of January, 1917, Mr Montague Summers speaks of the priority of Roger 
Boyle as having been established by quite recent research. I do not 
know to what research Mr Summers refers, but Orrery's claim was 
known to Dr Johnson. ' The practice of making tragedies in rhyme,' he 
says, 'was introduced soon after the Restoration, as it seems by the Earl 
of Orrery, in compliance with the opinion of Charles the Second, who 
had formed his taste by the French theatre.' There is also the 
evidence of Dryden's dedication of The Rival Ladies to the Earl of Orrery 
in which, though Mr Gosse seems to have missed the point in referring 
to it, the poet supports his argument in favour of rhyme by an appeal 
to his Lordship's practice. 9 

The actual date at which Orrery began to write plays in rhyme is 
determined by a passage in his State Letters (2 vols., Dublin, 1745). He 
writes to the Duke of Ormonde, then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, from 
Dublin, January 23, 1661/2 : 

May it please your grace, 

When I had the honour and happiness the last time to kiss his majesty's 
hand, he commanded me to write a play for him. I did not scruple therein to 
evidence my great weakness, since thereby I did evidence the greater obedience ; and 


20 The Origin of the English Heroic Play 

therefore, some months after, I presumed to lay at his majesty's feet a tragi-comedy, 
all in ten feet verse and rhyme. I writ it in that manner upon two accounts, first 
because I thought it was not fit a command so extraordinary should have been 
obeyed in a way that was common ; secondly, because I found his majesty relished 
rather the French fashion of writing plays than the English. I had jut grounds to 
believe, at least fear, that my play would have been thought fitter for the fire than 
the theatre, but his majesty's mercy having condemned it to the latter, and then 
giving it to be acted by Mr Killigrew's company, my old friend, Will. D'Avenant, 
appeared so displeased his company missed it, that nothing would reconcile me to 
him but to write another purposely for him. Therefore this last and this week 
having gotten some few hours to myself from my public duties, I dedicated those to 
please my particular friend, and wrote this unpolished draught of two acts.... The 
plot is such that I wish you could but as much like the rest of the play as I flatter 
myself you will like that, when by the finishing of what is begun you will know it. 
And that your grace may have some guess at it, I will tell you here, that Acores is 
Romisa in disguise... The humour of Hilas, of which your grace will see some touches 
in the beginning of the second act, shall be interwoven, if your grace dislike it not, 
in every one of the three remaining, though I despair to make my Hilas as famous 
on the theatre as the marquis of Urfe has made his in the romance ; for besides his 
genius being exceedingly above mine, his Hilas was not limited to numbers and 
rhyme as mine is.... 

Writing again on February 26, we find Orrery saying 'I have presented 
about a fortnight since to your grace the whole play.' 

It appears, then, that in February 1661/2 Orrery had written two 
plays in rhyme. His visit to London was extended at any rate to 
December 1660, as one of his letters shows, so the first play in all 
probability dates from 1661. In February 1662/3 Charles writes (State 
Letters as before) expressing his intention to produce the play ' as soon 
as my company have their new stage in order, that the scenes may be 
worthy the words they are to set forth.' 

The King's House (the Theatre- Royal in Drury Lane) was opened 
on the" 7th May, 1663, according to Pepys, but we have no record of the 
production of any play by Orrery in that year. In a letter to the King, 
the author speaks of the second play as superior to the first, ' the plot, 
humours and discourses being more proportionate to the genius of those 
who frequent the theatre.' The General is the first play by Orrery we 
know to have been performed at the King's house (September 28, 1664) 
and it was certainly a failure, being described by Pepys, in words re- 
miniscent- of the author's own, as utterly inferior ' in words, sense and 
design' to Henry the Fifth, produced by Davenant a month earlier. 
The identification of this with the first play is hazardous, as Orrery may 
conceivably have written two bad plays for Mr Killigrew. The second 
play is certainly lost, for there is no known play which corresponds ta 
the description given to Ormonde, so we have a precedent for assuming 
the loss of the first. 

Whatever the fate of these early plays, Orrery was not discouraged. 


Reckoning the two lost plays we find that he contributed nine examples 
of the Heroic Play, and by the volume of his work, no less than by the 
popularity of some of it or by his personal example, exercised a great 
influence upon his contemporaries. The dedication of The Rival Ladies 
(1664) indicates Dryden's willingness to follow his leadership; Sir Robert 
Howard's preface to Four New Plays (1665) recognises in him the chief 
force in the new movement, while six years later, John Crowne dedicates 
to Orrery his first play, Juliana, or the Princess of Poland with a fulsome 
panegyric of Mustapha and Henry the Fifth. More convincing than the 
flattery of dedications is the sincere imitation in the use of rhyme. We 
have already alluded to Dryden's The Rival Ladies, to Etheredge's The 
Comical Revenge and to Mrs Philip's Pompey. Of these the last is the 
most interesting to us, being the earliest of the three and the only one 
entirely in rhyme. It is not without significance that this play was 
shown to Orrery when only one scene had been translated, that it was 
at his instigation that the work was completed, and that it was finally 
by his influence that it was produced at the Smock- A] ley Theatre in 
Dublin in February, 1662/3. 

By a curious coincidence, while Orinda was preparing her Pompey, 
another version of the same play was being made in England. One act 
and the original plan were due to Waller, who made a point of translating 
some portion of each new play by Corneille, and among his collaborators 
are named Sedley and, Dorset. The success of Orinda's play postponed 
the publication of this translation, but it saw the light in 1664, over a 
year after the announcement that it was completed and about to appear. 
One feels a certain satisfaction in connecting Waller, ' an obstinate lover 
of rhyme to the very last,' with the rise of the Heroic Play, whose vogue 
he supported not only in this but in his rhymed alteration of The Maid's 
Tragedy, and a similar moral certainty with regard to Denham, who 
shares with him the credit for the refinement of our numbers, is vindicated 
by his use of rhyme in one scene of The Sophy as early as 1641 and by 
his completion of Mrs Philip's Horace. 

In the rather pathetic figure of Lodowick Carlell tfce development 
of the Heroic Play is epitomised. In his youth an execrable botcher of 
blank verse, the recipient of a dedication from Thomas Dekker, and an 
exponent of the Heroic temper in drama, in his later years he accepts 
' the troublesome bondage of rhyming.' Carlell's plays were praised by 
Ward and Mr C. H. Gray has edited The Deserving Favourite. Another 
American, Professor Schelling, writing in the Cambridge History of 
English Literature, assures us that Carlell's Heraclius met with great 

22 The Origin of the English Heroic Play 

success, though not equal in merit to other translations from Corneille. 
I do not know from what source Professor Schelling derives his opinion 
of the merit of the play, but even if it was not possible for him to consult 
the text he might have learnt from the Biographia Dramatica or from 
Genest that Carlell's play was never acted, another version by an un- 
known author being preferred for the performance on the 8th March, 
1664. Carlell's play was printed in the same year. The references to 
the Duchess of Orleans and to the Queen Mother in the advertisement 
are especially important : ' Though my humble respects to her Royal 
Highness prompted me to undertake a translation in verse, because she 
loves plays of that kind, and is as eminent in knowledge as in dignity, 
yet I presume not to beg her protection; only as it took birth at 
Sommerset House, I hope she will not despise it from the report of others. 
For my most gracious Mistress whome I have so long serv'd, and in 
former Playes not displeas'd, I dare not address this, because my first 
essay of this nature.' 

In these earliest rhymed plays certain features must be noticed. 
Orrery, speaking of rhyme, calls it the French manner, while Carlell, 
Waller and Orinda use rhyme in translations from Corneille. Again 
Orrery and Carlell adopt this manner in frank deference to the opinions 
and taste of the Court, Waller and Orinda because they move in the 
aristocratic circle of Court influence. No doubt the personal taste of 
the monarch, or mere imitation of the French, will not explain the vogue 
of rhyme, but, while we appreciate the importance of those circumstances 
which made the adoption of rhyme seem necessary and desirable, we 
must not ignore the channels by which the new form came to England. 



IT is gratifying to learn that we shall not have to wait much longer 
for a new critical edition of the Anglo-Norman Roman de Horn 1 , which 
has been a desideratum for many years. The material on which it will 
have to be based includes, besides the three well-known manuscripts of 
Cambridge (C), Oxford (O), and London (H), some unedited fragments 
copied by me long ago, the intended publication of which, delayed by 
adverse circumstances, appears now to be urgent. They are all in the 
Cambridge University Library and marked Add. 4407 and Add. 4470. 

I. Add. 4407, which I propose to call F 1 , consists of two small frag- 
ments, measuring 41 x 165 mm. and 47 x 130mm., of a manuscript on 
vellum, both cut out of the same sheet and containing altogether 21 lines. 
The text is in two columns, and the handwriting that of the end of the 
thirteenth century. The recto of the sheet originally contained 2 x 38 
lines, the verso 2 x 39 lines. The recto consisted of: 

col. a: 11. 2106 2110 2 (preserved; fragment a) ' 

11. 21112143 (missing) 

blank part (preserved ; fragment b) 
col. b: 11. 2144 2148 (preserved; fragment a) 

11. 21492181 (missing) 

blank part (preserved ; fragment b). 

The verso consisted of: 

col. a: 11. 21822186 (preserved; fragment a) 
11. 21872219 (missing) 
1. 2220 (preserved ; fragment b) 
col. b: 11. 22212225 (preserved; fragment a)* 
11. 22262258 (missing) 

1.2259 (indistinct traces of clipped letters preserved; 
fragment b). 

1 See P. Studer, The Study of Anglo-norman, Oxford 1920, p. 28. 

2 The numbering of the lines is that of Brede and Stengel's edition (Das anglonorman- 
nische Lied vom wackern Eitter Horn] in Stengel's Ausgaben undAbhandlungen,vin, Marburg, 

24 Cambridge Fragments of Anglo-Norman 'Roman de Horn 

F 1 has not been the basis of COH, for it has some lines which are 
too short or too long, while they are correct in COH : see 11. 2107 ( 2), 
2110 (-2), 2223 (+1). On the other hand F 1 is not derived either 
(1) from C, see 11. 2186, 2221, also 2183, or (2) from O, see 11. 2106, 
2184 (0: - 1), or (3) from H, see 11. 2106 (H: + 2), 2146 (H : - 1), 2186, 
2223 (H: 2). While F 1 has no mistakes in common with C or O or 
CO or CH, it has with H: see 11. 2106 (ore for or), 2220 (ches for esches), 
and with OH: see 1. 2182 (ariuez for ariue). Hence we get the follow- 
ing stemma 1 : 


It follows that readings which F 1 and C have in common presumably 
occurred in X 1 ; such as F 1 and O have in common may be derived from 
X 1 or only from y and must be carefully weighed against readings of C ; 
such as F 1 has in common with CO or with CH presumably occurred in 
z, y, and X 1 and have therefore a high claim to consideration ; such as 
F 1 has in common with OH probably go back to y, but not necessarily 
to X 1 ; readings which F 1 has in common with H against CO are to be 
rejected, as they probably only go back to z. 

In the following text of F 1 (a) and (b) the letters printed in square 
brackets are indistinct. 


r] [e] pus sil harez tant cum ore lestes amant. 2106 

col. a. a tant sen est munted al alferant. 

e nuers la mer trestut dreit fud sun chemin tenant. 

en tur lui sunt uenu trestuit si bien uoillant. 

Qwi de Suddene uindrerct el chalant. 2110 

col. b. Sire dist li esturman ne vus iert pas cele. 2144 

Vers Westir uoil aler qm est regne loe. 2145 

1 amaiwt un riche rei qui Gudreche est nume. 

d ous fiz ad cheualers de mitlt grant large. 

c heualers qui la uunt bien isunt soldeie. 

1 See below, p. 26, and J. Vising, Studier i denfranska romanen om Horn, i, Goteborg, 
1903, pp. 4ff. 


v] Qwant sunt ariuez issent fors al terral. 2182 

col. a. .H. sen est eisuz al nobile caral. 

JJ [uer] fud hyrlande. fu lors Westir numee. 

V la nef ariuad qwi .H. out aportee. 2185 

I 1 eissid as premiers facun out bien mollee 
col. b. e nuers (\u\ sen preist nul ueintre nel piwroit. 2221 

e ntritant .H. li proz tut lur chemin teneit. 

S is cheuals iert mult beals de suz luj grant brut feseit. 

e il iert bien a[rmez lescus] bien li seeit. 

B ien senblout cheualer. v horn fier sei deueit. 2225 


col. a. laltre juout as ches q [tu horn] 2220 

II. Add. 4470. Two fragments of another manuscript on vellum, 
handwriting of the early part of the fourteenth century, which I propose 
to call F 2 a and b. They were used as fly-leaves for the binding of a 
printed book, which was bought for the Cambridge University Library 
by the librarian, Mr F. J. H. Jenkinson (who kindly called my attention 
to it;, at Sotheby's Miscellaneous Sale, June 15, 1897. The ^Catalogue of 
the sale describes the book as follows : 

259. Dionysius Carthus. Quattuor Novissima. Delff, 1487. Dathus (Aug.) de 
variis loquendi figuris [part of an unknown book] Antwerpie per me Matthiarn 
Goes, s. a. 4to. Contemporary oak boards, stamped leather. 

*#* Four leaves of an ancient Romance in barbarous French used as fly-leaves. 

The four fly-leaves (eight pages) contain in single columns 

(1) on recto 34 lines (49444980) 
on verso 32 lines (49815013) 

(2) on recto 32 lines (50145047) 
on verso 34 lines (50485082) 

(3) on recto 33 lines (51495180) 
on verso 34 lines (51815213) 

(4) on recto 34 lines (52145245) , 
on verso 5 lines (5246 5249) 

Total 238 lines. 
The missing sheet between 2 and 3 contained 66 lines (11. 5083 5148). 

At the beginning of a new laisse room is left for an initial to be 
painted by the rubricator; the letters which were to be inserted are 
faintly traced by the scribe. 

The fragments begin at that point of the romance where Horn, after 

26 Cambridge Fragments of Anglo-Norman 'Roman de Horn' 

avenging the death of his father and reconquering his realm, meets his 
mother who had been hiding in a cavern. In the following night he 
dreams that Rigmel is threatened by Wikle, and he prepares to go to 
her rescue. Then the poet relates Wikle's treason, which is disapproved 
by his brother. Wikle decides to murder him, but his brother flees and 
goes to Hunlaf, to whom he tells Wikle's designs. Here the first frag- 
ment ends. At the beginning of the second fragment, while Wikle sits 
at the wedding banquet with Rigmel, his brother hastens to the strand 
anxious to hear news of Horn. Horn is just arriving, and informed by 
Wikle's brother of Rigmel's desperate plight, he sets out with his faith- 
ful ones disguised as jongleurs. They ask to be admitted to the palace 
and then take by surprise and kill Wikle and his men. 

A comparison of F 2 with O, the only other manuscript in which the 
concluding portion of the romance is preserved, shows that neither was 
derived from the other, but that they both go back to a faulty copy 
(X 1 ) of the original (X). That O is not, directly or indirectly, a copy 
of F 2 is proved by the following facts. Lines which seem to be required 
by the context are omitted in F 2 , but not in O: 5043, 5078 (the non- 
occurrence in F 2 of 11. 4985, 5017, 5250, is no conclusive evidence, as 
these lines may possibly be additions made by the scribe of 0). In other 
cases two or three lines, which are complete in O, have been contracted 
into one in F 2 , the scribe's eye having obviously wandered from a word 
in the first line to the same word in the following or second following 
line : 11. 4959, 4961 ; 4970, 4971 ; 5035, 5036 ; 5203, 5204. Twice the 
proper order of lines, while preserved in O, is reversed in F 2 : 11. 5037 
5039 and 5052 5054. Also the metre of certain lines is wrong in F 2 , 
but correct in O : 4951 (- 1), 4952 (+ 2), 4958 (+ 1), 4965 (+ 1), 4975 (bad 
caesura), 4981 (+ 1), 4982 (- 1), 4990 (+ 1), 5011 (- 1), 5019 (+ 1), etc. 

Similar facts show that 0, though written by a more careful scribe 
than F 2 , was not, directly or indirectly, copied by the latter. Necessary 
lines or parts of lines which are preserved in F 2 are omitted in O : see 
especially 11. 5171 b, 5233 b, 5243 (11. 5045 b, 5181 b, 5192 b may be 
additions made by the scribe of F 2 ). There are also lines metrically 
wrong in O, but correct in F 2 : 4948 (- 1), 4983 (+ 1), 4986 (+ 1), 4991 
(+ 1), 5005 (+ 1), 5013 (- 1), 5019 (4- 1), 5020 (- 1), etc. 

That both O and F 2 go back to a copy (X 1 ) which was not the auto- 
graph (see above, p. 24), seems to be confirmed by 1. 5196, where both 
have the probably erroneous reading le instead of se. 

The four sheets of F 2 have not belonged to either of the now incom- 
plete manuscripts C and H, for while F 2 has 32 34 lines to a page. 


C has only 24 (see the fac-simile in Brede and Stengel's edition), and 
H 46 (see e.g. folio 60 on pp. 78 ff. of the same edition). 

In the following text only one form of r is used, while the scribe 
uses two : generally (and especially after o, d, b, p) the form i, less 
frequently the form r. He practically always uses the long form of s (f) ; 
the short form occurs only once (in 1. 5187 : palais). The contraction s> 
has been expanded into com or con : there seemed to be no reason to 
abandon the usual value of the contraction, as the closed o sound is ex- 
pressed in F 2 by o as well as by u, cf. couent 1. 5059, conust 1. 5151, 
commence 1. 5218, cosin 1. 5228, by the side of cunut 1. 4947, cum 1. 4955 
etc., cunqms 1. 5015, cumpaigmrrcs 1. 5174. The contraction p has been 
expanded into per in peril 1. 4986, perir 1. 5156, empereur 1. 5192, other- 
wise into par (e.g. part 1. 4973, aparceit 1. 4976, partut 1. 5010, pardune- 
merat 1. 5058, esparnement 1. 5210). 

Even at the time when F 2 was written, there was a hole in the 
parchment of the second sheet, which divides the text of 11. 5026 5029 
and 5059 5063 at the places indicated by the sign H 1 . 

1 r] Par mi tut ce que ele ert poureme?it cowree. 4944 

Dan hardre la vit ben si lad mult auisee. 
Ces clers oiz esun vis esa buche ad notee. 
Ben cunut que ce ert sa damee lonure. 
Pus est venu a horn dit li ad en celee. 
Vosfre mere uei la que auez ci amenee. 

Ce est swanburc la gentil ma dame la loe. 4950 

Ne sai dampnedeu la nus ad si tensee. 
Mes ore pensez veer que ele seit ben co?iseille. 
Horn sailli sus enpez vers li c^rt randunee. 
Sil enbraca vers lui e cent feit lad baisee. 
Sil lad tantost cum pot en la chambre guie. 4955 

V ele fu noblement custee ebaignee. 
E apres fu de dras haltemewt acesmee. 
E ala feste fu pus noblement celebree. 

Tut pur lamw delui la valdur esforce. 4959, 4961 

Qwant ele fu asa dame en la chambre assenble. 4962 

La feste ad este grant tute ior aiornee. 
Tresque la que vint la nuit apres la vespre. 
Lores sen vnt tuz cucher pur fere reposee. 4965 

1 As F 2 is temporarily at the Bodleian Library, Oxford, I was not able, as I should have 
wished, to collate several lines of my copy, which I suspected. Miss M. K. Pope has very 
kindly done so for me. 

28 Cambridge Fragments of Anglo-Norman 'Roman de Horn 1 

E la reyne en vait en sa chambre est cuchee. 
E li reis ensemerct od sa noble maisnee. 

q want la miemrit vint que li reis sendormeit. 
Si vit vn auisiun dimt formewt se cremeit. 
Qidl ert sur vn flum bele Rimel ueeit. 4970, 4971 

Es granz vndes bruianz tresq^al mentuft tut dreit. 4972 

Wikele ert del altre part qui naier la voleit. 
Vne furke defer ensa main si teneit. 

Dunt la butout enz si cum ele sen isseit. 4975 

E en grant angoisse ert nrnlt qwant ille aparceit. 
Si li criout enhalt e amidt grant espleit. 
Sil tost ne la saisast qitil le compareit. 
Cil-ne laisseit pur ce plus mal li feseit. 

Mwlt ert torment dolent qwant aider ne poeit. 4980 

1 v] Lores trouout vn batel v il enz se metteit. 
Equant ovtre ert venuz esil sen fueit. 
Pur le doel quil out grant apres fort lensiwait. 
E qwant il out ataint la teste li toleit. 4984 

Eissi bele Rimer de peril garisseit. 4986 

E ali pur eel plai grant merci len rendeit. 
p vr le sunge ki ert gref li reis sen esueilla. 

Tant en fu effree que pwr veir le qwida. 

II se seait sur sun lit e entwr sei garda. 4990 

Mes il bele Rimer ne wikele ni troua. 
Bunt sout que ert auisiun qui en dormant veu a. 
Qid giseit deuant lui haderof apela. 
E sun sunge trestut cum il fu lui conta. 

Eqwant il out oi si sen esmerueilla. 4995 

Pus respundi issi si deu plest bien irra. 
Mes de wikele succrem qwil alqitone rien fra 
Vers madame Rime dunt ele se maira. 
Par ma fei dist li reis nrmlt crei ben que si va. 
Apres dit que tresqwe ert iur quil se aprestera. 5000 

E as neff trestut dreit od sa gent en irra. 
Kar Rime/ uolt veer iaplws ne targera. 
En la garde hardre sun regne si larra. 
Entretant que il vienge sa mere enseruira. 
Kar asun repaireir Rimer en amerra. 5005 

Haderof qwant lout oi tuz ses diz ben loa. 
Vnc ni out plus dormi de ci quil aiorna. 


Tresque il uirent le iur li reis horn se leua. 

E al palais halcur ses baruns assembla. 

t Eesque partut li iur eli reis fu leue. 5010 

Dunt sunt libarim el paleis assemble. 

E li reis Iur ad tut descouert sun pense. 

Trestut entel semblant cum vus ert ia mustre, 
2 r] Seignwrs ce dit li reis deus nus seit aoure. 

Pa?- laie dem*s ai cunqms mun regne. 5015 

A ceus qui munt serui ai mes terres done. 5016 

Par le men escient ne dei estre blasme. 5018 

Des ore mest ben auis que mult ai suiurne. 
Si reuoil or errer ce est ma volente. 5020 

Pur Rimer amener ia nert plus targe. 
Mun pais gardera entritant dan hardre. 
Ema mere swanburc seruira asun gre. 
Seignwrs venez od mei pur la mei amiste. 
Ne sai que en conterai vers plusurs sui fae. 5025 

Ne ne sai ben || de ci cum hunlaf erfc troue. 
Kar quers ch||angent suuent qwant gent sunt esloyne. 
fur ce est || demener od sei bel barne. 
Qml ad || tel cum iol ai issi alose. 

Si trouuns el pais par trestut seurte. 5030 

E nws le prendruw ben si en ert deu loe. 
E si nus trouuwt el si seit sempres venge. 
Or en aluw as nefs ia nert mes tresturne. 
E ore iparra seign^rs cum vus mavez ame. 5034 

Sire ce dient tuz ia nert commande. 5035, 5036 

Issi ad li reis horn feit sun aprestemeftt. 5037 

Or le conduiez deu li rei omnipotent. 5039 

En ses nefs est entre ored ad ebon vent. 5038 

Qwil ad feit de wikele redinrw enpresent. 5040 

Kar nen fet aceler le soen con tenement 

Cum il vers sun seign^r ad erre foleme?it 5042 

Qwi ren ne li custa sil despent largement 5044 

Vn chastel ad ia feit bel efort durement \ 
En vn fort liu lad fet depere edecement. j 
De partut iad trait mult grant garnissement. 5046 

Cum de vin ede char de fore e de forment. 
2 v] Cheualers retent mult eserianz ensement. 
Kar il volt ahunlaf senz su?z otrieme?it. 

30 Cambridge Fragments of Anglo-Norman 'Roman de Horn' 

Tut parforce tolir RimeZ od le cors gent. 5050 

Si la prendra aper ce ert sun pwrposement. 
Mes vn frere q?.dl out en erra lealment. 5052 

Sen aparceit qwil voleit errer folement. 5054 

Wycohther aueit nun en sun baptemement. 5053 

A lui vint si lui fist issi chastiement. 5055 

Que feiz desue as tu mis en vblie me/it. 
Que feis ahunlaf le grant encusement. 
Dunt horn par sa bunte vus fist pardunement. 
Simes forfeiz vers lui ben || ensez le couent. 
Nel te pardurra mes ne || deit fere nent. 5060 

Mai iendeit auener qid vers \\ sun seignwr prent. 
Sifais qui as enpense tu mwr||ras veriement. 
E ce abon dreit iel sai a || escient. 
Treitre ert e felun si ie vus icest consent. 
Quant wykele oust cest oi purpoi de dol ne fent. 5065 

Jamais le ne serra sil nen ad vengemewt. 
La nuit mwrdrir le fra ce ad enpensement. 
Que ne sache horn mot ce est sun entendemerat. 
m Ais sil par sun senblant sen aparcut asez. 
Asun ostel ala tresq^e fu auesprez. 5070 

Coiment est mult bien deses armes armez. 
Sur le destrer meillur qui\ aueit est muntez. 
Par la posterne eissi qui esteit vers les prez. 
Vnc horn nel aparcut qwi de mere fu nez. 
Issi est del felun cum deu volt eschapez. 5075 

Tute nuit ad erre vnc sis cors nest finez. 

. Tresqwil vint la ov mist reis hunlaf lonwrez. 5077 

V esteit dune li reis ases consels priuez. 5079 

Had trait vne part des altres esloignez. 5080 

Mande ifu Rime od ses grandes bealtez. 
Qwant ele ivint dit lur fu emustrez. 

3 r] Sila put dehorn rien nuueleR. 5149 

E quant est la venuz uit la flote sigleR. 5150 

Ben conust paries trefs que ce ert horn libeR. 
II ne suttt gueres loinz pres sunt del ariueR. 
Nen sen pot abstenir epur els plus hasteR. 
Sest il mis enz anod kar ille volt encontreR. 
Si se haste vers horn pur lui noueles conter. 5155 

Ne crent de perir tant se fiet el destreR. 


E qwant horn lout veu feit sa barge geter. 
E si ad dit as sons cist hoera ad grant mester. 
Je irrai ia centre lui noueles demandeR. 

E sil ad mil bosoing si lui voldrai aideR. 5160 

Atant gettent batels partut li marineR. 
E vers terre sen wnt cum plus poent nageR. 
Celui cuillent acels pres ert del perilleR. 
Mes quant il fu enz trait ni donast vn deneR. 
Ainz ad horn mustre elemal elencombreR. 5165 

Que sis freres ad feit aRimer alvis cleR. 
Si li prie pur deu quil sen auge tost vengeR. 
Qwil le trouera ia seant asun mangeR. 
V il se feit seruir de piement ede vin cleR. 
E dan horn li respunt vnout que curuceR. 5170 

Certes ie serrai ia si ie pus sun iugleR. 5171 

Vn lai bretun li frai od mespee de asieR. 
n ert pasla cite loin vhunlaf ert al iuR. 5172 

horn iuolt aler tut ape acel tuR. 
Cumpaignuns amenad cent qui rrmlt sunt de valuR. 
Harpes portent asqwanz vieles li plusuR. 5175 

Ce volt li sire horn quil senblent iugleuR. 
Halbercs vnt forz vestuz dunt clere est lalu^r. 
Si vnt les chapes desus dediuerse coluR. 
Les bons branz ceinz aslez cum vassal deredduR. 
Ja la grant ieie wykele tw-rneruwt adoluR. 5180 

3 v] Elur chant que refunt finerunt entristuR. 5181 

Ben se vengera horn desun mal traituR. 

De Rimer edelui quil volt partir lamuR. 5182 

Issi deit avener tut dis aboiseuR. 
Kar vnc be?i ne fina qui tricha sun seignuR. 
Encestui pwrrez ben estre espermentur. 5185 

Els venent al porter prient liparducur. 
Qwil les lait entrer enz el palais halcuR. ^ 

Si ert par nosfre deduit li seruice forceuR. 
Asqwanz seuent de harpes asqwanz sunt bon retuR. 
Tels iad qui de chant sunt si bon chanteuR. 5190 

Ja qwis orra chanter ne se tendra depluR. 
Par fei dit li porters teus nad li empereuR. 5192 

Sus eel nad nobles hoem qui de teus nait honwr. 
Or entrez beu seignwr plus nert contreditur. 5193 

32 Cambridge Fragments of Anglo-Norman ' Roman de Horn ' 

m es idunc entra horn eli soen baldemerat. 
Qid awykele e as soens fra itel present. 5195 

Durct le tendru^t tut mat curecus edolent 
Vnc asnoces nout nul peior iuglemewt. 
El palais su^t entrez venent elpaueme/it. 
Veient wikele seer al plus halt mandement. 
Juste lui bele Rimer qui face cler resplent. 5200 

Lores sen marrist dan horn ecel irusemewt. 
Les chapes sachent tost qui lur fuwt musement. 5202 

Par laire sunt chaet quel part nul dels cure neprent. 5203, 5204 
Es halbercs su?it remis trait sunt librant trenchant. 5205 
Par ces tables vunt seruent els malemeftt. 
Tut de el que de bons mes ne mestre piement. 
Kar nul ni est ataint q^il ne fet sanglent. 
Qwe par wykele sewt ne qui seit desa gent. 
Mes lagent hunlaf cil vnt esparnemewt. 5210 

Ehorn veit vers wykele manacant format. 
Tel lidona el chef que trestut le pwrfent. 
Pus le feit fors sacher cum mastin pullent. 
4 r] Eprendre aquarefurs que seit esgardement. 

Sulunc que aserui sun seruise lui rent. 5215 

q vis del traitor est la sale voidee. 

Ad reis horn deses nefs sa gent tute mande. 

Equant il su^t venuz lafeste est comercce. 

Qwi tuz les qwinze iurs noblement ad duree. 

Mustre lad ahunlaf cum lachose est alee. 5220 

Cum il ad vassalme/it sa terre p^rchacee. 

Ecum il ad depaens sa guere finee. 5222 

Ela ioe q^il out desa mere trouee. 

De qwanqidl out fait ne li fu chose celee. 5223 

Pus la feste sen wnt chascun ensacowtree. 

Ni ad vn qui nen ait de horn riche soldee. 5225 

E apres ad Rimer asun pere laisse. 

E il ad en westir lores sa veie twrnee. 

A SUTI cosin modun qui est rei definee. 

Ad il bele lenburc par richesce donee. 

El laltre ad sis compaignuws haderof espuse. 5230 

Od sa terre trestute quil li fu otrie. 

De gudrike le rei qui sa vie ad mue. 

Pus que la chose fud tute si pur alee. 5233 


Enbretayne revint aRimer lonure. 

E iloc suiurna tant cum li agree. 5234 

e Ntritant desuiur cum il la suiurna. 5235 

Le vaillant hadermod de Rimer engend?-a. 
Qid aufrike cowqwist eqid pus iregna. 
E qwi tuz ses parenz de paens iuenga. 
De proesse ede sens trestuz les utreia. 

Cum sil pwrra mustrer qwi lestorie saura. 5240 

Icest leeis amu?i fiz willemot quil dirra. 
Qwi la rime apres mei sai ben que entrouera. 
Kar troueur ert bon de mei ce retendra. 
Ore reuenuws ahorn diu??s cum il sen ala. 
En sudeine lagrant sa muiller en mena. 5245 

4 v] E mult grant tens od lui bone vie mena. 
Tant cme richesse grant la savie fina. 
Or endeit auant qwi lestorie saura. 

Thomas new dirra plus tu autem chantera. 5249 

Issi finist dehorn. AmeN. 

On the margins of the pages of F 2 single words and sentences of no 
importance are scribbled by various hands and drawings of leaves and 
ornaments sketched. On 2 r we find the note : pertinet iste liber vni 
Rudbignoruw. On 2 v the following two hexameters are written : 

S R preposita, vox nulla latina sonabit. 
Israel s re sonat ; quia dictio barbara, stabit. 

At the end the following riddle has been scribbled : 

Freit est de yuer 1'oree. 
Vn diuinail vos ert mustre. 
En yuer qwant 1'oree chaunge, 
Viie uerge crest estraunge, 
Verge sanz verdour, 
Sanz foil et sanz four (' branch '). 
Qz^ant vendra 1'este, 
La verge done n'ert troue. 
yat redeles, red uuhat it my be ; c'est vn esclarcil (perhaps : icicel ?) en engleys. 



M.L. R. XVI. 


EDWARD II is one of the most pathetic figures in English history. 
The tragedy of his downfall has thrown into relief his checkered and 
inglorious career. But it has also awakened the sympathy of posterity 
with a man unfitted by training and temperament to wield the destinies 
of a kingdom. His utter failure in strategy and statecraft, his lamentable 
lack of tact and common sense have been duly emphasized. On the other 
hand, his love of sport and his devotion to his friends have not been 
overlooked. But too little has been made of one of his redeeming points, 
his taste for art and music. It is true, a man may be endowed with 
poetic genius and none the less turn out to be a very bad king. His 
talent does not relieve him from the grave responsibilities he has incurred, 
it does not absolve him from incompetence, and less still from weakness 
and cowardice. But it kindles in our hearts a keen sense of grief that 
such a man was placed by fate in a position for which he was so utterly 

Edward II valued more highly a skilful fiddler than an able minister 
of state. He forsook his peers and revelled in the society of minstrels, 
strolling players and other men of low repute. He soon acquired their 
vices of gambling and hard drinking. But, on the other hand, he shared 
their enthusiasm for the lighter forms of art, and took some pains to make 
himself proficient in music and verse. All this has long been common 
knowledge, but little opportunity has hitherto been afforded us to test 
the merit of his achievements. This is not very surprising. The songs 
with "which the king and his boon companions heightened their mirth, 
or dispelled the gloom of a cheerless reality, were doubtless never com- 
mitted to writing. Both words and melodies perished with their authors, 
not leaving behind them even a lingering echo. Indeed it is almost 
a miracle that of the songs composed by Edward II one at least should 
have been preserved. It is a song of sorrow, the last probably he ever 
sang ; and he must have sung it with a heavy heart. 

Fabyan, in his New Chronicles of England and France 1 , after relating 
the circumstances of the deposition of the king, adds : 
1 Ed. H. Ellis, 1811, pp. 430-32. 


Than Edwarde thus remaynynge in pryson as fyrste in the castell of Kenelworth, 
and after in the castell of Barkle, took great repentaunce of his former lyfe, and 
made a lamentable complaynt for that he hadde so grevously ofFendyd God ; whereof 
a parte I have after sette out but not all, leste it shulde be tedyous to the reders or 

Dampnum mihi contulit tempore brumali 

Fortuna satis aspera vehementis mali. 

Nullus est tarn sapiens, mitis, aut formosus, 

Tarn prudens virtutibus, ceterisque famosus, 

Quin stultus reputabitur et satis dispectus 

Si fortuna prosperos avertat effeetus. 

Theyse, with many other after the same makynge, I have seen, which are 
reportyd to be of his owne makynge in the tyme of his enprysonement ; the whiche, 
for lengthe of tyme, I have lefte out of this werke, and shewed the effecte of them 
in Englysshe, as folowyth. 

Whan Saturne with his colde isy face 

The grounde with his frostys turneth the grene to whyte, 

The tyme of wynter which trees doth deface 

And causyth all verdure to a voyde quite : 

Than fortune, whiche sharpe was with stormys not alyte, 

Hath me assautyd with hir frowarde wyll, 

And me beclypped with daungeours right yll. 

What man in this worlde is so wyse or fayre, 
So prudent, so vertuose, or famous under thayre, 
But that for a foole, and for a man despysed," 
Shalbe take, whan fortune is from hym devyded ? 

Alas now I crye, but no man doth me moone, 

For I sue to them that pytye of me have noone. 

Many with great honours I dyd whylom advaunce, 

That nowe with dyshonoure doon me stynge and launce ; 

And such as some tyme dyd me greatly feere, 

Me dyspyse and let not with sclaunder me to deere. 

mercyfull God, what love they dyd me shewe ! 

And with 1 detraccion they do me hacke and he we. 

Alas, moste synfull wretche, why shulde I thus complayne, 

If God be pleasyd that I shulde thus 2 susteyne 

For the great offence before by me doone? 

Wherefore to the good Lorde I wyll retourne efte soone, 

And hooly commytte me thy great mercy untyll, 

And take in pacyence all that may be thy wyll ; 

And all onely the serve with all dylygence. 

Alas ! that before this tyme I had not that cence. 

But nowe good Lorde, which arte omnypotent, 

Beholde me mooste wretchyd and greatly penytent ; 

And of my trespace forgyvenes thou me graunt, 

And by what sorowe my carkes is now daunt, 

Graunt it may be to my sowle remedy, 

That the sooner I may attayne 3 it by : 

For to the swete Jhesu I yelde my 4 sore wepynge, 

As aske of the pardon for my grevouse synnyuge. 

Most blessyd Jhesu 
Roote of all vertue, 
Graunt I may the sue 
In all hurnylyte ; 

1 MS. Now with. 2 MS. this. 3 MS. thy grace atteyn. 4 MS. me. 


36 An Anglo-Norman Poem by Edward II, King of England 

Sen thou for our good 
Lyste to shede thy blood, 
And stretche the upon the rood 
For our iniquite. 

And thou moost mylde mother and vyrgyn most pure, 
That barest swete Jhesu, the worldys redempture, 
That shynyst and florysshed as flowre moost sure ; 
And lyke as nardus of his swete odoure, 
Passyth all other, so thou in all honoure, 
Surmountys all sayntis, by thy great excellence, 
Wherefore to praye for my grevouse offence 1 . 

I the beseche, 

Moost holsome leche, 

That thou wylte seche, 

For me suche grace. * 

That 2 my body vyle 
My sowle shall exyle, 
Thou brynge in short whyle 
It in rest and solace. 

Fabyan's account is disappointing. Not a word is said about the 
document in which the song was preserved. We are not even told 
in what language it was written. From the chronicler's ambiguous 
wording we might almost infer that Edward wrote it in Latin, if we did 
not know from other sources that he \vas so ignorant of that language, 
that at his coronation he had to take his oath in the French form. 
Fabyan purposes to give an English version of part of the king's poem, 
but he fails to grasp the meaning of certain passages, and where he 
understands aright, he drowns the author's simple style in flowery and 
pedantic language. It is fortunate for the king and for Anglo-Norman 
poetry that his literary reputation does not rest solely on the evidence 
of this translation. 

The Anglo-Norman original has been preserved in a unique MS. 
of the Longleat Collection. For the purpose of this edition Lord Bath, 
the present owner, very generously placed the MS. at my disposal. 
I take this opportunity to express to him my sincere gratitude. The 
MS. is mentioned in the Historical MSS. Commission Report, vol. in, 
p. 180, but the account given of it is so inaccurate that a fresh description 
will not be superfluous 3 . It is usually referred to under the title of 
Tractatus varii Theologici saec. xni et xiv, and consists of a bound 
volume, octavo size, containing 170 folios of vellum. The handwriting 
belongs clearly to two different periods. The Latin texts which make up 
the bulk of the volume are in an early thirteenth century hand, while 

1 These seven lines are omitted in edit. 1542. 

2 that when, edit. 1533, 1542, 1559. 

3 In the Report all the Latin items are wrongly described and I suspect that the 
accounts of various MSS. have been confused. 


the French texts have been added on blank pages and in margins 
during the first half of the fourteenth century, certainly not later than 
1350. The following are the principal items : 

Fol. 1 is torn in half from top to bottom. The recto is blank ; the verso 
contains Anglo-Norman Proverbs, those near the bottom of the page 
alone being complete : e.g. ' II valdroit plus de refuser que d'estre 
refused Celuy fait malement qe prent le repas de un jour qe li fra perdre 
cent, etc.' These proverbs are continued at the foot of the next folio. 

Fol. 2 r. A Latin Homily : ' Dilectus meus misit manum suam per 
fenestram ac ventu 1 meus conturbatur quia adtactum eius Bonum est... ' 

Fol. 6 r. An Anglo-Norman Lapidary : ( Coment horn deit conustre 
peres precioses.' This will be included in the edition of A.-N. Lapidaries 
which I am preparing in collaboration with Miss J. Evans. 

Fol. 9 r. A Latin Homily : ' Nichil amarius peccato et si quidam 
videantur dulcia in primis. Unde Salomon in novissimis felle amarius 
invenies peccatum...' 

Fol. 21 v at the bottom of the page and in the margin, an Anglo- 
Norman Dialogue on the Ages of Man : ' Ore agardetz danz vayllards | 
Jolite de ceste part, etc.' (36 lines). 

Fol. 33 r. A Latin treatise entitled Brevis Hortulus, chiefly in prose, 
but fols. 36 v to 40 r are in verse. It consists of 81 chapters. Chap. I 
begins, ' [VJidetur in deum cadere necessitas rerum faciendarum../ 
The explicit after the table of contents [fol. 33 v] runs as follows : 
' Explicit libellus qui potest dici Brevis Hortulus eo quod breviter in eo 
tamquam in ortulo fructus dulces excerpantur.' 

Fol. 41 r. A Latin treatise entitled Speculum [de Mysteriis] Ecclesiae. 
'De sacramentis ecclesiasticis ut tractarem. . .' (cf. ~M.igne,Patrolog.vol. 177, 
pp. 335 sq.). 

Fol. 57 r. A Latin treatise entitled De Compunctione Cordis. ' Cum 
te intueor Beate Demetri frequenter insistentem mihi et omni cum vehe- 
mencia exigentem de cordis compunctione sermonem admiror valde...' 

Fol. 76 v. An Anglo-Norman poem by King Edward II. 

Fol. 77 v. Chastel de leal amour, an Anglo-Norman poem of 75 lines, 
beginning : ' Du chastel d'amurs vus demaund | Qele est luy primere 
foundement | D'amer lealment...' There are at least four other MSS. of 
this poem which shows the obvious influence of the Roman de la Rose 
(cf. P. Meyer, Bull. Soc. d. anc. textes fr. 1875, pp. 26, 30, and Romania 
xin, p. 503). 

Fols. 78 v and 79 r. Blank. 

1 Vulgate, Cant. v. 4 : ' per foramen et venter meus intremuit ad tactum ejus.' 

38 An Anglo-Norman Poem by Edward II, King of England 

Fol. 79 v. De la Diffinission de Amur, in A.-N. prose, beginning : 
' Amur est seignur de lui mesmes E ne est al comandement de nuly ne 
al priere ne al consail de nuly...' 

Fol. 80 r. Verba domini ad Abbatem, a collection of Latin sermons 
beginning: ' Egredere de terra et de cognitione (= cognatione) et de domo 
patris tui et valde (= vade ?) ad terram quam monstravero tibi 1 ...' 

Fol. 143 r. A Latin Treatise beginning: ' Triplex est divine scripture 
cognitio secundum historiam, allegoriam, et tropologiam. Historia est 
res gesta...' 

Fol. 1 56 r. Salomon in proverbiis, Latin version of proverbs ascribed 
to Salomon/ Aqua frigida anime sitienti nuncius bonus de longinqua terra. 
Omnesprelati ecclesie tarn superiores quam inferiores...' 

Fol. 170 is a fragment out of a service book bound up with the 
present volume. It tells the life of some Saint and refers to the burial of 
Abbess Sexburgh, the wife of Earconbert ' rex cantuariorum,' whose 
sepulchre was found at Grantacester. 

The poem of Edward II occupies folios 76 v and 77 r. It is written 
in double columns and from the nature of the handwriting it would seem 
to have been transcribed before 1350. Nevertheless it is not possible to 
assume that we have it in the king's own hand. There are unmistakable 
indications that the version in the Longleat MS. is the copy of a scribe 
and not an autograph. The rubric alone makes this sufficiently clear. But 
whoever the scribe may have been, he was a contemporary of the king, and 
his testimony, even though it be not absolutely conclusive, must at all 
events be accepted as strong evidence in favour of royal authorship. 
Professor Tout has suggested to me that the poem may have been 
written by one of the king's friends and utilised in the active propaganda 
which was carried on apparently with a considerable amount of 
success 2 to arouse popular sympathy with the deposed monarch and 
facilitate his restoration. But however plausible such an explanation 
might seem, it is not borne out by internal evidence. The tone of 
the poem, the line of arguments, the touches of deep personal feeling 
unmistakably stamp the work as genuine. 

It bears obvious signs of Provencal influence. In form and style 
it has all the characteristics of the canso. It opens with a reference to 
the season of the year, and ends with an envoy. After the fashion of 

1 Gen. xii, 1 : * et veni in terram quam monstrabo tibi.' 

2 For a detailed account of the activities of the king's sympathisers, the reader is 
referred to Professor Tout's monograph on The Captivity and Death of Edward of Carnarvon, 
Manchester University Press, 1920. Appendix II contains an interesting note on the poem. 


troubadours, the poet addresses his song to a lady 1 whose real name 
he conceals under the senhal of 'La Bise,' i.e. 'The Doe.' If due 
allowance is made for the uncertainty of scansion in later Anglo-Norman 
poetry, the versification is very regular. All the stanzas are built on 
a uniform pattern and run on two rhymes each, and these rhymes 
are much purer than those of contemporary Anglo-Norman works. 
It is true that we find -e rhyming with -ie, e.g. esprove : preyse (= prisie) 
4 : 6, encumbrer (= encumbrier) : pener 14 : 16. On the other hand 
original ei is always written oi and rhymes with itself or with etymological 
oi (cf. stanzas iv and viii), the only exception being merci :otroy 38 : 40, 
where -oi appears to rhyme with -i ; or should we read otry ? As 
one might expect, the number of syllables is not constant, at least if 
judged by continental canons. The bulk of the verses are octosyllabic, 
but lines varying from six to ten syllables are also found, and some of 
them at least can hardly be the result of faulty transcription. In other 
respects, however, the poem compares favourably with the fourteenth 
century products of Northern France. It is free from their mannerism 
and artifice, and possesses a directness of speech and an accent of deep 
sincerity which they seldom exhibit. 

In the time of Edward II Provengal literature had passed the zenith 
of its splendour. In fact the exuberant growth of troubadour poetry 
showed, signs of decay even before the crusade of Simon de Montfort 
ruined its haunts and chilled its inspiration. But before the work of 
destruction was complete, the poetic leaven of Provence had permeated 
Western Europe, and called into existence the lyric vein of Italy and 
Spain, of Northern France and England. Ever since the days of Queen 
Eleanor troubadours found appreciative audiences among the Normans 
settled in this country, and counted among their disciples kings and 
princes. In his devotion to poetry Edward II continued the traditions 
set up by his illustrious predecessor Richard Coeur-de-lion and those 
which his mother 2 brought from Castile, where Proven9al art had found 
a second home. The king's song is a rare and valuable specimen of 
Anglo-Norman lyric poetry. In addition it possesses artistic merit and 
real historic interest ; it is therefore well worthy of an edition. 

I have found it necessary to introduce a few corrections, but in such 
cases the reading of the MS. has always been recorded in the footnotes. 
Minor alterations are indicated by means of brackets ; words and letters 

1 Even with the assistance of Professor Tout's authority and learning I have not 
succeeded in identifying the lady to whom the king dedicated his poem. 

2 The influence of Eleanor of Castile was probably not very considerable as she died 
when Edward of Carnarvon was only seven years old. 

40 An Anglo-Norman Poem l>y Edward II, King of England 

between ( ) should be suppressed, those between [ ] should be added. 
For the benefit of those who are not familiar with Old French I have 
added an English translation which renders the meaning almost verbatim, 
but does not attempt to reproduce the rhythm of the original nor the 
harmonious effect of its rhymes. 



1 En tenps de iver me survynt damage, 

Fortune trop m'ad traverse : 

Eure m'est faili tut mon age. 

Bien sovent l[e]ay esprove : 
5 En mond n'ad si bel ne si sage, 

[Ne] si curtois ne si preyse, 

Si eur(e) ne lui court de avantage, 

Que il ne serra pur fol clame. 


Ma clamour face, mes rien n'ataint : 
10 A cel(uy) que grace ne puit trover, 

Terrien amur [est] tost esteint. 

Ne me deveroye trop aflfier ! 

Les grans honurs ay fest a meynt 
^ Qe ore me queront encumbrer ; 
15 Poy sui ame et meins pleint : 

En fort prison me font pener. 


Pener me funt cruelement 
E duint qe bien 1'ai deservi. 
Lour fausse fai en parlement 
20 De haut en bas me descendi. 

(Hay !) sire de salu, jeo me repent ; 
(Et) de toutz mes mals vus cri merci : 
Ceo qe le corps soufre de torment, 
Soit a 1'alme joie et merci. 

19 MS. faus. 



25 Merci me ert, si com(e) je croy, 

[Et] les honurs et les bontez 

Qe a mon poair so vent fesoy 

A mes amys et mes privetz. 

Si je ey(e) mesfet, ceo poise moy : 
30 A lor consayl estoie jurez. 

Ceo qe ai mesfet encontre ma foy, 

Beii sire Dieu, vus le savez. 


Vus le savetz apertement, 

Car mil n'est si bien covery, 
35 Qe ne le voyetz tut clerement : 

Le bien le mal tut altresi ; 

Solom ceo freetz jugement. 

Mes mals la rnene ou (e) ta merci ! 

(E) de moy facez vostre talent, 
40 Car quoer et corps a vous otroy. 


A vus me octroy, sire Jhesu, 
Pardon et grace requerant. 
Jeo solay estre tant cremu, 
Ore me vont toutz despisant : 
45 L'em m'apele ' rois abatu/ 

Et tut le secle me veit gabant ; 
Mes plus privetz me unt desu : 
Trop tart le vey apertemant. 


Apertement me unt defy[?], 
50 Les quels me unt issi tray ; 

Moud lur quidai estre amis, 

Ore me ount tutz degerpi. 

Je lur donay meint juel de pris, 

Que ensi le me ount mery ; 
55 Je ay le plur et eaux le rys, 

M'est avys le ju (est) mal parti. 

38 MS. Mes melles la. 40 read otry ? 48 MS. le ay. 

49 MS. Aperteynant ; instead of defy we should expect a word in -is. 
51 MS. amez. 

42 An Anglo-Norman Poem l>y Edward II, King of England 


Parti me ount un-ju santz joye. 
Par tiel(e) tristour mi quoer se pleynt 
De cele en qi trover quidoye 
60 Femme leal : vers moy se feint. 
Isabeux tant amay, la bloye ! 
Mes or(e) 1'estencele est esteint 
De fyn amur ; pur ceo ma joie 
S'en est ale, com est de meint. 


65 Meintenant santz delay 

Bien serroit tenps de morir, 

A moy cheitif que perdu ay 

Tutz honurs sanz recuverir. 

Alias ! dolent ! pur qei m'emay ? 
70 Puis q[ue] il est a Dieu pleyssir, 

Mult bonement le suffrirai : 

(De) tout me durray a luy servir. 


De luy servir mettray m'entent(e) ; 

Mult me desplet qe ensi ne fis. 
75 N'est pas mervoyle, si me dement, 

Si terrien honur m'est faylliz ! 

Mon quoer contrite soy present 

A cel(y) q'en croys pur nous fu mys, 

Mes voyl[e] bien qe me repent 
80 De mes mals q [ue] ay fest tut dis. 


Tut dis enfeble en fermerie 
(Sui) par ceaux que felons sunt ; 
[Qui] par lur ruste reverie 
Troys roys eslu en ount ; 
85 Le plus jofne par mes trie 

Coroune de oor porter en fount : 
Jhesu luy gard(e), le fiz Marie, 
.De treson, que Dieu confurid ! 

60 MS. Fme lealte 61 MS. Beux tant. 71 MS. suffrai. 

81 MS. Mys enfeble fermery. 



Deux confund[e] ses enemys ! 
90 E luy faceo un roy moud sage, 

[Et] enpernant et poystifs 

De meyntenir pris e barnage ! 

E que toutz ceaux soyent jus mys, 

Q'ennoy luy querount ou (en) damage ! 
95 E si moy serroit acomplis 

Le greingnur desir de mon corage. 


Mon corage pas ne se pleint 
De terrien honur regretere ; 
Mais douce Jhesu, qe nous ad reint 
100 Par son saunk preciouse et chiere, 
Par la priere de toutz ly seins, 
Q'en sa glorie sount parcenere, 
A cele joie tost nous meint, 
Q'en nule tenps [ne] peust finere ! 


105 Finer m'estut, ne voyl plus dire. 

Va t'en chaunson ignelement 

A La Bise du par Kenire 

Si la ditez brefment : 

Qe quant le serf se saut de ire, 
110 Et ou(e) ses perches bestes purfent, 

Gard(e) soy q'el(e) n'eyt mester de mire ! 

Tant se porte sagement ! 


Sages et fouz, trestouz vus pri, 

Pur moy priez communement 
115 (A) Marie, la mere de mercy, 

Que Jhesu norist, omnipotent : 9 

Que pur les joyes q'ele uist de ly, 

Q'ele luy prie devoutement, 

Qe de touz trays eye mercy, 

120 (Et) de touz forjuges falcement ! 


102 could also be read partenere. 
107 could be read du parke vire. 119 MS. eyt mercy. 

44 An Anglo-Norman Poem by Edward II, King of England 
I append the following literal translation into English : 



1 In winter woe befell me ; 

By cruel Fortune thwarted, 

My life now lies a ruin. 

Full oft have I experienced, 
5 There's none so fair, so wise, 

So courteous nor so highly famed, 

But, if Fortune cease to favour, 

Will be a fool proclaimed. 


My clamour rises yet in vain ; 
10 When favour once is lost, 

Soon does man's love grow cold. 

Too fondly have I trusted, 

And honours done to many 

Who now seek, my destruction ; 
15 They love me little, pity me less, 

In prison they torment me. 


Torment me, aye ! most cruelly 
Ev'n though 'twere well deserved. 
Their evil faith in Parliament 
20 From high has brought me low. 
Lord of Salvation, I me repent ; 
For all my sins forgiveness crave : 
May from the pain the flesh endureth 
The soul receive both joy and mercy. 


25 Mejcy, I trow, I needs shall reap 
From precious gifts and kindly deeds 
Which oft upon my friends and kin, 
Within my power I did bestow. 
If I have erred, it grieveth me : 

30 But to their counsel was I sworn. 
What I have sinned against the faith, 
Alas ! dear Lord, full well Thou knowest. 


Thou knowest well and openly, 

For nought is there so well concealed 
35 But is to Thee fully revealed, 

Both good and ill all equally; 

Thereon will rest Thy judgments dread. 

Deal with my sins mercifully ! 

But nonetheless Thy will be done, 
40 For body and soul to Thee I yield. 



I yield me all to Jesu, 
Craving His grace and pardon. 
Once was I feared and dreaded, 
But now all men despise me, 
45 And hail me 'crownless king, 3 
A laughing stock to all. 
My dearest friends deceived me : 
Too late I see it openly. 


And openly have they defied me, 
50 Those who betrayed me thus ; 

Methought I had their love, 

Now have they all forsaken me. 

For many a jewel and many a gift 

I have now their reward. 
55 The tears are mine, but theirs the laugh ; 

The game's unfairly dealt. 


They've dealt to me a joyless game. 
And 'mid such grief my heart complains 
Of her whom fondly I believed 
60 A faithful wife turned to deceit ! 
Fair Isabel I dearly loved, 
But now love's spark is dead ; 
And with my love my joy is gone, 
As 'tis from many a heart. 


65 And now 'twere time indeed 

That I in death should sleep, 

Since honours all I've lost 

Beyond recovery. 

And yet why be dismayed ? 
70 What God hath thus ordained 

Full meekly will I bear, 

And serve Him faithfully. 


His service be my constant thought. 

Ah ! why was it not ever so ? 
75 What marvel then that I am sad, 

And earthly grandeur faileth me ? 

O let my contrite heart be near 

To Him who suffered on the cross, 

That truly now I may repent 
80 Of all the sins that e'er I did. 


For ever in captivity 
Those felons make me languish, 
Who in their crass insanity 
Three kings have now elected. 
85 Upon the youngest, in stately pomp, 
. A crown of gold they've placed. 
Keep him, Jesu, the Son of Mary, 
From traitors, whom God confound ! 

46 An Anglo-Norman Poem by Edward II, King of England 


May God confound his enemies, 
90 And make of him a monarch wise, 

Endowed both with might and will 

Fair fame to uphold and chivalry ! 

And let them all be brought to shame 

Who seek to harm or injure him ! 
95 And then at last shall be fulfilled 

The inmost wish of all my heart. 


My heart no longer will lament, 
Arid weep o'er earthly honours ; 
But let sweet Jesu, Who redeemed us 
100 By His most precious blood, 

Moved by the prayers of all the Saints 
Who in His glory share, 
Lead us ere long to that great joy 
Which shall be without end. 


105 An end I'll make and say no more. 

Hie thee, my song, on wings ! 

Go to the Doe beyond Kenire [ = Kenil worth ?] 

Aiid tell it her in brief. 

That when the stag is roused to wrath 
110 And turns upon the hounds, 

She may forgo the leech's care, 

Bearing herself so wise. 


Both wise and fool I would entreat, 
Make prayers for me, ye all, 

115 To Mary, the mother all merciful, 
Who bore the almighty Lord, 
That through the joys she had of Him 
She may her Son beseech, 
For all my sins and treacherous deeds 

120 To grant me mercy yet. 




A SURVEY of the ballets and similar amusements of the Swedish 
court during the seventeenth century reveals some interesting parallels 
with the masques of Ben Jonson and his successors under James I and 
Charles I. Most of the pieces described in the following pages were 
performed in honour of the versatile and pleasure-loving Queen Christina, 
who, like Anne of Denmark and Henrietta Maria of France, herself 
often led the dancers. The position and character of the young queen in 
fact bore no slight resemblance to the character and position of Charles I. 
The court of Sweden at this time was one of the most brilliant in 
Europe ; but while a circle of wise statesmen directed, or strove to direct, 
the weightier affairs of State, the personal favour of the sovereign was 
given to a succession of younger men, many of them foreigners, who 
conspired with the rest of Europe to flatter her vanity and minister to 
her self-will. In Sweden, as in England, large sums were spent over the 
amusements of the court, and there were not wanting those who com- 
plained bitterly of the queen's extravagance and frivolity. 

Again, contemporary letters and memoirs furnish us with exactly the 
same illuminating and sometimes amusing hints on the ballets as are 
given for the English masque by the letters of Chamberlain or the 
' choice observations ' of Finnett. We hear of the most careful pre- 
parations, and of hitches in the same, of the costs of production, of petty 
jealousies and quarrels, of postponements, of dissatisfaction with some 
piece that did not come up to expectations. We learn too of the great 
crowds that thronged the hall specially arranged in the palace at 
Stockholm for the performance of these masquerades* This hall was 
called stora Spel-salen or la grande Salle des Machines (in imitation of 
that at the Tuileries in Paris), and served the same purpose as the 
Banqueting-House in England. A statement made 1 for one ballet tells 
us that not only courtiers but all kinds of people (allahanda folk) had 
access to the piece : on another occasion we learn from the same source 

1 By Ekeblad; see below. 

48 Court Masquerades in Siveden in the 17th Century 

that a ballet was performed before 'an enormous crowd of people.' The 
same was certainly true of other ballets, though it does not appear that 
the Swedish citizen had such difficulty in gaining admission as is 
suggested by Robin Goodfellow's amusing and probably not much 
exaggerated account in Jonson's Love Restored. It is interesting to note 
that in Sweden, just as in England, disputes between the different 
foreign ambassadors sometimes threatened to destroy the peace of mind 
of the sovereign and even to stop the performance altogether 1 . One of 
the main purposes of both masque and ballet was indeed, as Reyher has 
pointed out 2 , to conciliate these touchy gentlemen and keep them 
innocently employed. Further, the services of the foremost poet and 
one of the most learned men of his day, Georg Stiernhielm, were 
requisitioned for the Swedish versions of the most important of these 
pieces, and Stiernhielm's classical learning and high idea of the dignity 
of his poetic vocation are at least two points of .connexion between him 
and Jonson. It is true that most of the Swedish ballets were originally 
designed by Frenchmen and were sketched out and often performed 
in French, the Swedish texts that we have being translations, or rather 
rehandlings, intended for the use of those who could not or like the 
Chancellor Oxenstierna would not 3 speak the fashionable language 
of the court ; nevertheless the ballets present certain features which 
differentiate them from the French ballets preserved in the collections 
of Lacroix 4 , and which seem to suggest at least the possibility of an 
influence from England. 

The character of Queen Christina is a problem which has at once 
fascinated and baffled all the historians who have tried to deal with it. 
There can be no doubt, however, of her real mental ability, or of the hold 
which she possessed upon the loyalty and affections of her subjects. As 
the daughter of Gustavus Adolphus she was born to a heritage of love 
and veneration; it was the constant desire of her advisers that by her 
marriage the preservation of the direct line of descent might be ensured; 
and the distress felt at her abdication was both widespread and genuine. 
In the entertaining collection of letters to which I shall frequently have 
occasion to refer, Ekeblad, who was present at the abdication ceremony 
on June 6, 1654, relates that from the queen herself down to the 

1 See Whitelocke's account of the masquerade given at Uppsala in honour of the Spanish 
ambassador Pimentelli on April 8, 1654, and of his own dispute with the Danish am- 
bassador in the matter of precedence on that occasion. (B. Whitelocke, Journal of the 
Swedish Embassy, 2 vols., London, 1855, n, pp. 107 ff.) 

2 P. Keyher, Les Masques Anglais, pp. 289 f . 

3 See Whitelocke, op. cit., i, p. 300. 

4 P. Lacroix, Ballets et Mascarades de cour, 6 vols., Geneve et Turin, 1868-70. 


humblest member present there was not one who did not shed tears, 
and adds that the queen 'may justly be likened to a mother parted 
from her children 1 .' Nevertheless there was a large section of the com- 
munity that lamented Christina's complete subservience to the favourite 
of the moment, and saw in the wave of foreign culture that passed over 
the court at the end of the Thirty Years' War the signs of a deterioration 
in the national customs and morality. 

French influence began to make itself felt most strongly at the 
court from about 164?5 onwards. It was deepened in the case of Christina 
herself by her friendship with Pierre Chanut, French ambassador to 
Sweden from 1645 to 1649. Count Magnus de la Gardie was also of 
French extraction. Over twenty French savants, real or pretended, lived 
in Stockholm. Rourdelot, the quack who supplanted the philosophers 
and whose ascendancy over the queen's mind covered the years 1651-3, 
was a Frenchman. Most of the queen's servants were French : she 
herself spoke and wrote the language fluently. Mdlle de Scudery, 
Malherbe, Scarron, and Balzac united in praising her. Both Claude 
de Saumaise and Descartes came by her invitation to live in Stockholm, 
the latter, as is well known, dying there in February t 1650. In Christina's 
reign therefore we see the beginnings of the French influence that was to 
dominate Swedish (and European) literature throughout the eighteenth 
century. And, as was only natural, a strong German, as well as French, 
influence was one result of the Thirty Years' War. Swedish noblemen 
wrote their names in German characters, foreign words were heard 
in the very streets of Stockholm, and on the signs of tradesfolk German 
. was used more than Swedish 2 . After the conclusion of the Peace of 
Westphalia there was an influx of foreign adventurers into Stockholm, 
and the warriors of Gustavus Adolphus brought back with them the 
customs, as well as the possessions, they had acquired abroad. When 
Christina assumed the reins of government in 1645, she became assiduous 
in encouraging foreign artists to the capital. Her cosmopolitan taste is 
shown by the fact that in 1652-3 there were present at the Swedish 
court, though not simultaneously, German and Polish musicians, French 
violinists and lutanists (as well as singers), Italian instrumentalists, and 

1 Johan Ekeblads bref, utgifna af N. Sjoberg (2 vols., Stockholm, 1911 and 1915), i, 
p. 343. These letters are among the most valuable of the documents relating to court 
affairs in Sweden under Christina and Carl X. Johari Ekeblad (1629-97) was a gentle- 
man usher at the court of Queen Christina, and later became chamberlain to Hedvig 
Eleonora, Carl X's queen. His principal correspondent was his father, a colonel in the 
Swedish army. A few of the letters are written from London, whither Ekeblad accom- 
panied the Swedish ambassador to Cromwell in the autumn of 1655. 

2 J. Gronstedt, Svenska hoff ester, i, p. 86. 

M. L. R. XVI. 4: 

50 Court Masquerades in Sweden in the 17 th Century 

English, Dutch, and Italian troops of players. The queen's tastes would 
naturally be followed by the courtiers, and the ballets performed at 
court may therefore be regarded as one indication of a desire for a 
European culture and a greater elegance and refinement of manners. 
They served to counteract in the noblemen who took part in them 
the roughening effects of camp life. 

In the somewhat meagre dramatic literature of Sweden the court 
masquerades of the seventeenth century are of small importance, even 
when due allowance is made for the limitations of the form. There 
exist only some half-dozen texts written in Swedish, and five of these are 
rehandlings of French originals. Stiernhielm's pieces, it is true, are 
in many places much superior to the French models upon which he 
worked, and he produced one masterpiece, Den Fangne Cupido, which 
will compare with the best masques of Jonson. But Stiernhielm remained 
for too short a time at the Swedish court to attempt any development 
of the form of the ballet, and in any case it is by no means certain that 
he would have thought it worth while to do so. The chief effect of the 
court ballets upon the legitimate drama was the improvement of stage 
decoration and machinery ; in Sweden, as in England, the appliances and 
decorations used in the court masquerades seem to have been greatly 
in advance of those employed in the regular drama. From a comparative 
point of view, however, these pieces are of considerable interest. They 
reveal the adaptations and transformations of French taste in a northern 
capital; they bring out the essential similarity of court life all over 
Europe ; the types of character represented in them throw light upon 
the political and social conditions of the time ; and they serve to 
bring us into contact with a very interesting period of history. The 
following account may therefore contribute to form a basis for a com- 
parative study of the rise and development of the court masquerades 
in the various countries of Europe during the seventeenth century 1 . 

It is not at all surprising that che gay nobles of the Swedish court, 
most of whom had recently been brought into contact with French and 

1 The general account here given, in so far as it relates to Sweden, is derived in the 
main from the following sources: G. Ljunggren, Svenska Dramat infill slutet af 17de 
arhundradet, chap, vin (Lund, 1864: still the standard work on its subject); G. E. Klem- 
ming, Sveriges dramatiska litteratur. Bibliografi (Stockholm, 1863-79) ; C. Silfverstolpe, 
article on Antoine de Beaulieu in Samlaren (the organ of the Swedish Society of Literature), 
10, 1889, pp. 5ff.; E. Jacobsson, in Meddelanden fran svenska sltijdfdreningen (the Swedish 
Sloyd Society) for 1894, pp. 59 ff.; J. Gronstedt, Svenska hqffester, i (Stockholm, 1911). 
Of the texts, Stiernhielm's ballets have been several times reprinted, and Lindschold's 
piece is also accessible in a modern edition. For the other pieces, including the French 
and German versions corresponding to Stiernhielm's, I have had to refer to the original 
editions, which have been kindly procured for me by the officials of the University Library 
of Lund. 


German culture, should derive little pleasure from the serious tone and 
often inartistic methods of the school drama of Uppsala, nor was any 
encouragement given by the court to a Swedish national drama. In the 
earlier stages of dramatic development ' town ' and ' court ' are indeed 
almost invariably opposed. A national drama arises from the former, 
but is crushed by the latter 1 . The town of Stockholm was not sufficiently 
important at this time to counteract the influence of the court, and 
the national drama, which had made promising beginnings under 
J. Messenius, went under, never really to emerge again. Moreover the 
school drama was based on medieval traditions, while in the ballets 
the Renaissance makes its first serious entrance into the dramatic 
literature of Sweden 2 . Queen Christina did once summon the students 
to perform at court, but it is again significant of French influence that 
they performed on this occasion not Plautus or Terence as usual, but 
Seneca's Hercules Furens. 

In 1^635 Cardinal Richelieu's envoy, the Baron d'Avagour, came 
to Sweden and spoke to the queen-mother, Maria Eleonora, of the 
elegance of the French courtiers and of their skill in dancing. As a 
result he was bidden by the queen to summon to the Swedish court 
a French nobleman, Antoine de Beaulieu, who was at that time staying 
in England and was known as a skilful dancing- and ballet-master. 
Beaulieu arrived next year, and at once set about his task of instructing 
the aristocracy of Stockholm in ' danse et maintien.' Looking back in 
later days he could boast ' d'avoir poli toute la cour.' In the first ballet 
performed in Sweden, Le Ballet des Plaizirs de la Vie des Enfans sans 
Soucy, danced on January 28, 1638, Beaulieu himself played the part of 
Le Joueur, and as all the other dancers were his pupils, the piece 
was really a trial specimen of his art. It is probable that some at least 
of the earlier ballets were brought over direct from France and merely 
subjected to necessary alterations in Stockholm, more particularly in the 
concluding grand ballet, the chief function of which was always to flatter 
the sovereign. In at least two cases there seems to be evidence of direct 
Italian influence also. Of a possible English influence something will be 
said below. It is evident, however, that something more than a second- 
hand performance was very soon required. Beaulieu at first managed 
the production of the ballets unaided, but in 1649 we find that the 
Italian architect Antonio Brunati was called in to assist him. In 1650 
Beaulieu was promoted to the position of maitre d'hdtel to Christina, and 

1 Schiick- Warburg, Illustrerad svensk litter aturhistoria, i, p. 492. 

2 Ibid., p. 494. 

52 Court Masquerades in Sweden in the 17th Century 

was succeeded as ballet-master by Jacques de Sonnes or des Ausnes. 
However he still continued to have an oversight of the productions of 
court ballets, and this fact possibly interfered with his success as major 
domo, for his authority seems to have been but lightly regarded in 
the royal kitchens. After Christina's abdication he fell upon evil days. 
His petitions for the payment of sums due to him were disregarded, and 
he died in want and misery in or about the year 1663. Besides Beaulieu 
and des Ausnes, the accounts also mention a certain Daniel, ballet- 
master to Frederick, Landgrave of Hessen. 

For convenience in reference I give below 1 a list of the principal 
ballets performed in Sweden. A glance at the list will reveal the presence 
of an unusual and somewhat puzzling feature. Sometimes we find, in 
addition to the French text, Swedish and German versions of the ballet, 
although in only one or two cases do we know that more than one 
performance was given. A comparison of these various texts establishes 
it almost as a certainty that the French version is the original; the 
German as a rule follows the French closely, the Swedish much less so, 
a fact for which the individual genius of Stiernhielm is probably res- 
ponsible. In these alternative versions the persons of the entries always 
remain the same, but the length of their speeches may vary considerably. 
Metres and verse-forms are freely altered : in fact the pieces are rather 
rehandlings than translations. The question then arises : why should 
so much trouble be taken to secure elegant poetic versions of the French 
original if these versions were only to- be handed round among the 
spectators, so that those ignorant of French should understand what was 
going on ? A brief prose summary would have answered the purpose 
just as well. Stiernhielm's three ballets were almost certainly performed 
as he wrote them, in Swedish, and it seems probable that when two 
or more dates are mentioned, and perhaps in other cases also, the 
performance was given in different languages on different occasions. It 
is of course not impossible that where a Swedish version exists, the 
verses were declaimed on the same occasion first in one language and 
then in the other. 

With this question is connected another somewhat obscure point. 
What was the exact relationship between the dances and the verses 
assigned to the person or persons of the entry ? In England we know 
that the masquers themselves never either spoke or sang ; the speaking 
parts of the masque were usually, though not invariably, taken by 
professional actors 2 , and the masquers remained hidden in their rock or 

1 In the second instalment of this paper. 2 On this point see Keyher, pp. 84 ff . 


cave or mountain until the climax of the piece came, the rock was opened 
to the sound of loud music, and they emerged to dance their ' Entry.' 
But this working up to one supreme moment when the stage was filled 
with a blaze of light, colour, and sound is a peculiarity of the English 
masque. In the ballet, though there may often be a central idea running 
through the piece, the different entries are independent of one another. 
There are no set dances corresponding to the English ' Entry/ ' Main/ 
and ' Going Out/ but each dancer or group of dancers gives a separate 
performance and retires to make room for the next. In a common type 
of French balfet there is a threefold division into dances, recits and vers. 
The recits were delivered on the stage, but the verses were printed 
on loose leaflets and handed round among the audience 1 . In some cases, 
e.g. Les Effects de V Amour and Les Boutades ou Proverbes, the same 
method may have been adopted in Sweden, but the majority of the 
pieces are so constructed that this can hardly have been the case, 
but the verses must have been closely associated with the dance. It 
seems probable that the verses assigned to each character were recited 
either by the dancer himself or by some other before the dance took 
place. The costume and character of the dancer could often not be under- 
stood without some explanation, and it is difficult to see how verses and 
dance could be carried on simultaneously, except where the former were 
sung to music, when it would of course be easy. This was sometimes 
done in France. In the Ballet du Roy...sur V adventure de Tancrede et 
la forest enchantee, 1619 2 , one entry consists of a. 'ballet des anges/ 
in which it is expressly stated : ' Us estoient 28 en tout, dont les uns 
chantoient seulement, et les autres dan9oient.' Here we have the 'dancing 
to song' recommended by Bacon 3 , and we find it also in the Masque 
of Mountebanks and in Campion's masque for the wedding of Lord 
Hayes. As a rule the headings of the entries in Stiernhielm's ballets 
contain simply the names of the characters represented, but the twelfth 
entry in Freds- Afl is headed 'Justice speaks; with her dance Pax and 
Pallas/ and the heading of the tenth entry in the same piece is ' Earth 
speaks, dancing with the other three elements.' In Den ffangne Cupido 
some of the entries are quite long, and constitute little dramatic scenes. 
The ballets performed in Sweden are therefore constructed on the 

1 See e.g. the Ballet dansd par le roy, January 29, 1617: 'Tandis que le grand Bal se 
danca, et que chacun s'amusa a lire les vers particuliers que le Eoy et les seigneurs de sa 
suitte donnerent aux Dames, sur le personnage que chacun d'eux avoit represente aux 
entries,' Lacroix, n, p. 119. 

2 Lacroix, n, pp. 161 ff. 

3 Essay xxxvn, Of Masques and Triumphs. Cp. E. Brotanek, Die englischen Masken- 
spiele, p. 262. 

54 Court Masquerades in Sweden in the 17 tli Century 

French model. It will be seen, however, from the abstracts given below, 
that there is often dialogue in the separate entries, and that an attempt 
is usually made to construct the piece around some central idea. In 
other words there is more unity than in most of the French ballets, 
where the literary and dramatic elements are often almost non-existent. 
It is possible that this development may be due to English influence. 
Nevertheless it remains true of the ballet in Sweden, even more than 
of the masque in England, that it 'cannot... be recovered to a part of 
that spirit it had in the gliding by 1 .' Much of the beauty and grace of 
the masterpiece of the Swedish ballet, Den Fdngne Cupido, can indeed 
be recaptured from the printed text, but for most of the others we have 
to draw largely upon our imagination 2 . 

The authors of these pieces are for the most part unknown. Of the 
French texts two are by Urbain Chevreau, a dramatist and miscellaneous 
writer of some distinction 3 ; one certainly, another probably, is by Helie 
Poirier, who in 1646 published in Amsterdam a book of poems dedicated 
to Queen Christina ; one by ' le Sieur de Monthuchet,' of whom nothing 
is known. For the German versions only one name has been assigned 
that of Johann Freinshemius, a German scholar who was called to 
Sweden by Gustavus Adolphus and was one of Christina's masters 
in Greek. For Stiernhielm and Erik Lindschold see below. 

The details of the staging and production of the ballets in Sweden do 
not present any great novelties, but are none the less of considerable 
interest. In the National Museum in Stockholm there is a collection 

1 Jonson, Hymenaei. 

2 Lacroix (i, Introd., p. ix) quotes a passage from the Memoir es of the Abbe Michel 
de Marolles (Paris, 2 vols., 1656-7), in which the ballet is defined ' de la facon qu'il est 
aujourd'hui en usage parmi nous.' 'II me semble,' says the abbe\ ' que ce n'est autre 
chose qu'une danse de plusieurs personnes masquers sous des habits e"clatans, composes 
de plusieurs entrees ou parties, qui se peuvent distribuer en plusieurs actes et se rapportent 
agreablement a un tout, avec des airs differens, pour representer un sujet invente, ou le 
plaisant, le rare et le merveilleux ne soient point oublies.' This definition will apply to 
Sweden. The main purpose of the ballet is to flatter. Where unity is attempted, the 
entries are held together by some abstract idea, which is also treated in such a way as to 
flatter the sovereign. There is no division into masque and antimasque, but grotesque 
personages frequently appear in the entries. Characters from real life are also introduced, 
though these are always representative of some class or profession and are without in- 
dividuality. As in the masque, there is a strong mythological and allegorical element. 
Songs are comparatively rare, but there was always music for the dances, and the verses 
too were probably delivered stylo recitativo, as in Jonson's Vision of Delight, Lovers made 
Men, and elsewhere. The distinguishing feature of the English masque the taking out 
of partners by the masquers and the dancing of ' Measures ' and ' Bevels ' in the course of 
the performance of the piece itself is absent in ballets of the French type. The various 
entries were danced and the ballet concluded before the general ball was begun. But both 
in masque and ballet we may be sure that the ball was for many of the audience the most 
important part of the proceedings, a part for which they would gladly have sacrificed all 
the mythological structure leading up to it. 

3 See the notices of him in La Grande Encyclopedic and the Nouvelle Biographic 


of coloured representations of the costumes used for a number of gods 
and goddesses and other mythological and allegorical characters in 
the ballets. Three specimens are reproduced by Jacobsson. The drawings 
closely resemble the Chatsworth designs by Inigo Jones reproduced in 
Shakespeare s England. The foundation of the costume is always some 
richly embroidered stuff; hats with feathers and white gloves seem to 
have been de rigueur. Masks were also an indispensable part of the 
attire, as is proved by rqferences both in the texts themselves arid 
in the accounts for materials used, and the same was the case in France 
and in England 1 . Full information as to the materials used in the 
ballets is given in the Accounts of the Royal Wardrobe 2 . From them 
we learn, for instance, that for the ballet Den Fangne Cupido Beaulieu 
had during the months of October and November, 1649 : 3726^ ells of 
cloth (cloth of silver, velvet, silk, taffeta, damask, linen, gauze, holland, 
etc.), 3222 ells of lace, 2111 e lls of galloon, 24961 ells of ribbon, 43 dozen 
buttons with 133 ozs. of silk and 3 Ibs. of thread, 10 pairs of gloves, 81 
pairs of stockings, 127 feathers (larger and smaller), 2 'fine beaver hats/ 
2 hatbands (1 gold, 1 silver), 128 'masks of various kinds used for the 
face/ 60 rosettes for shoes, and 32 Ibs. of whalebone. Queen Christina's 
dress as Diana consisted of: 22 ells of wide silver lace, finest quality, 
weight 45 ozs., 28 ells of silver gauze, 1 pair of English gloves, 15 ells of 
white satin ribbon, 10 ells of silver ribbon, 3 ells of silver lace at a total 
cost of just over 1014 daler(silver 3 ). The cost of the materials for the ballet, 
not including the making of the dresses, was over 16,850 daler, or a little 
less than 2250. According to the statement of the Danish resident, 
Peder Juul, Chevreau's ballet Les Liberalitez des Dieux and the tilt 
that followed it cost 100,000 rix-dollars (about 20.,()00 4 ). If this state- 
ment be correct the case was unusual, for otherwise we hear of no 
such immense sums as were expended over the later court masques 
in England. It must be remembered, moreover, that when the costs 
of masque or ballet are given, it is often uncertain how much must 
be set down to the banquet or other festivities accompanying it ; though 
on the other hand, in Sweden at least, part of the cos^ was in some 
cases probably borne by the individual dancers in the ballet and is 
therefore not included in the court accounts. In any case the sums 
expended were large enough to cause considerable dissatisfaction. The 

1 The statement of Evans, English Masques, Introd,, p. xxxv, that ' this unbecoming 
and unnecessary disguise was soon dispensed with ' is without foundation. 

2 Extracts in Jacobsson, pp. 86 ff. 

3 1 daler (silver) = 2^ daler (copper) = f rix-dollar^ (according to Whitelocke) 2s. 8d. 
English money. 

4 Ljunggren, p. 419. 

56 Court Masquerades in Sweden in the 17 th Century 

costumes for Chevreau's Balet de la Felicite cost 4500 daler (silver). 
There were 59 of them in all, including some for the 14 musicians. 
Abr. Leijonhufvud as Jupiter had a costume of flame-coloured satin, 
draped with gold and silver gauze, flame-coloured stockings, and a mask ; 
Harald Oxe, Venus, wore flame-coloured taffeta, trimmed with gold 
and silver lace, flamed-coloured stockings, and mask ; three nymphs 
were dressed in flowered and rose-coloured taffeta, with silver gauze 
scarves and flowered silk stockings; the Cupids wore dresses of flesh- 
coloured taffeta trimmed with gauze 1 . Some of the materials were 
ordered direct from France, others were bought from merchants in 

The stage decorations and scenery carried out under Brunati naturally 
show a strong Italian influence. A little Italian pamphlet of eight 
pages, printed at Stockholm in 1654 2 , gives interesting details of the 
scenery of Chevreau's Balet de la Felicite (see list). We learn that 
the hall was divided into two amphitheatres, one for the nobility and one 
for the bourgeoisie. The proscenium was painted to. imitate marble, and 
represented fluted Doric pilasters, with an entablature in the frieze of 
which were placed the names of the royal pair, surrounded by arms, 
emblems, etc. (cp. the ' compartment ' of the masque). On both sides of 
the stage were seen niches with statues, between double rows of pilasters. 
The ballet was divided into three parts. In the first there was a per- 
spective of a very bright sun arising from a hill, on the right the walls of 
a city, adorned with towers and other buildings, and on the left, in equal 
proportions, ' un luogo delitioso d' alberi fra quali era una casa d' alloggio 
ed altre fabriche.' In the second part the scenery was principally formed 
by 'tre grand! strade a tre ponti concorrenti ornate con dilettevole varieta 
di pretiosi alberi di cedri, granati, aranci, ed altre.' The scenery of the 
third part included a representation of a tier of columns of lapis lazuli. 
These descriptions are an additional proof, if any such were needed, that 
the columns, streets, buildings, and arbours which Inigo Jones introduced 
into the scenery of Jonson's masques came in the first place from Italy. 
The triumphal arch, which was so common a feature of the Caroline 
masque, was used in Sweden also. 1 It is found e.g. in Heela Wdrdenes 
Frogd. Another stock feature of the scenery of the ballets is the Mount 

1 Accounts of the Wardrobe, Jacobsson, p. 83. 

2 Festa Teatrale. Fattaper le nozze della Maesta di Suecia con la Principessa d'Holsatia, 

dedicataal conte Mayno Gabrielle della Guardia da Antonio Brunati Teatrista, Italian*) 

inventore, Stockholm, Janssonius, 1654. The description of the scene is by ' Jacopo dal 
Pozzo, maestro di lingue.' Brunati was responsible only for the scenery, not for the piece 
itself, as Silfverstolpe seems to think. 


of Parnassus. In Sweden, as in France and England, elaborate and costly 
machinery was often employed in the entrances of triumphal cars and in 
the appearances of gods and goddesses. For one upptag 1 we learn from 
Chanut's memoirs that several hitherto unknown machines and me- 
chanical devices were specially imported from Nuremberg. The curtain 
was fastened with rings to an iron pole, and was drawn to the sides 
at the proper moment. For various reasons it had to be renewed some- 
what frequently. At the beginning of 1651 there had been a new curtain, 
but by the end of the year another new one was required for the ballet 
on the queen's birthday. The reason, we are told, was that ' the people 
in the ballet had cut holes all over the curtain in order to look through,' 
so that it was quite spoiled and had to be cut up for bed-hangings 2 . 

The accounts preserved in the Royal Archives of Stockholm (Kungl. 
Slottsarkivet) give details of the fittings of the new ballet-hall or 'grande 
salle des machines ' already mentioned. This was a room originally used 
for court balls and banquets, situated in the eastern part of the palace 
on the topmost storey. The walls were hung with tapestries. The curtain 
was of white satin, with gold and silver cords, and there was another 
'veil' (forlat) of blue and yellow linen. Of the decorations are mentioned 
' one Swedish landscape on white satin ' and ' one landscape on paper 
lined with brown holland.' The seats were covered with costly rugs and 
hangings. Torches and candles were used to illumine the dances, and the 
hall itself was lit with oil lamps. The hall was finished early in 1649, 
and was inaugurated by the performance of Les Passions Victorieuses et 
Vaincues on April 4 of that year. It was subjected to a thorough re- 
novation before the Balet de la Felicite was performed in 1654. The 
accounts of the Inland Revenue Department (Kungl. Kammarkollegiet) 
mention innumerable boards, beams, nails, etc. used on this occasion, as 
well as 116 ells of broad linen required for the curtain, 3 measures 
of Russian soap used in cleaning 72 old screens for the wings, 4 pieces of 
thin cloth for ' the perspective representing the sun/ tin lamps and 
sweet-oil, etc. 3 No important renovations seem to have taken place 

The nobles who took part in the ballets included all the younger 
aristocracy of the court. The names of Prince Carl Gustaf (afterwards 
Carl X), Prince Johan Adolphe of the Palatinate (his brother), Frederick 
of Hessen, Magnus, Jacob, and Pontus de la Gardie, Count Tott, Gustaf 
and Svante Baner, Corfiz Ulfeldt, Erik Sparre, Otto and Jakob Taube, 

1 La Pompe de la Felicite; see below. 2 Extract in Jacobsson, p. 91. 

3 Jacobsson, p. 82. 

58 Court Masquerades in Sweden in the 17 th Century 

Gustaf Horn, Gustaf Soop and others are of frequent occurrence. Pages 
and superior servants also danced in the ballets, and we find many 
French names in the lists of the dancers. As was the case in France, 
the grotesque feminine characters of some entries were always im- 
personated by men. Ladies, however, took part in the grand ballet, and 
might represent mythological characters in the piece itself (cp. Den 
Fangne Cupido). 

Several passages in Ekeblad's letters reveal the great importance 
that was attached to the forthcoming performance of a court ballet. On 
November 17, 1652, he writes: 'At Court all are now working for 
the ballet that is to be danced on the [queen's] birthday. Since the 
time is short, they are working the more diligently 1 .' On December 1, 
speaking of the same ballet, Les Liberalitez des Dieux, he writes : ' For 
there is now so much to be done with the ballet and tilt that are to be 
held that no business of importance is transacted 2 .' When the queen did 
not go to the funeral of the Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna's wife, Ekeblad 
gives as the reason partly that she was indisposed, but partly that she 
wished to hurry on the performance of Den Fangne Cupido for the sake 
of the French ambassador 3 . Further references are needless. 

1 Letters, i, p. 193. 

2 IUd. o , i, p. 198. 

3 ' ...bade for det att hon nagot opasslig varit hafver sasom ock till att hasta pa balleten 
for denne fransoska ambassadorens skull, hvilken hastar till att resa hadan forr an vattnet 
tillfrys, men vill garna se balleten forst' (i, p. 19). The ambassador was the Comte de 
Bregy, French envoy to Poland, who stayed at the Swedish court on his way home. 

(To be continued.) 



Fight at Finnsburg. 

1. 35. MS. (text of G. Hickes) ymbe hyne godra f&la hwearflacra 
hrier. Grein emended to hwearflicra hr&w, but hwearftic does not occur 
elsewhere. Read ymbe hyne godra ftela; hreas wlancra hrsew. The 
letters r, s, /, w are frequently confused by the copyist, who moreover 
often omits the mark over a vowel indicating a following n. 

1. 40. MS. (Hickes) ne nefre swa noc hwitne medo sel forgyldan. 
Grein's emendation, swanas for swa noc, if accepted, would put an early 
date for the poem out of the question, as the meaning ' man-at-arms/ 
'retainer,' for swan was borrowed quite late from the Danish sveinn. 
In O.E. swan means 'swineherd,' as in the A.S. Chron., anno 755 A.D. 
It would be better to omit swa noc as a printer's error. This omission 
would also correct the metre (B-type). 

Characters of Men (Grein-Wiilker, in, 144). 

1. 25. MS. printed 1 him in innan ungemede madmod. Read unge- 
medemad mod and transl. ' inside them pride swells unmeasured ' ; 
medemian is formed from medeme ' midway/ ' moderate/ 

1. 28. MS. breodaft is a contraction of breogda& bregdaft, from bregd 
1 trick/ 

Fates of Men (Gr.-W., in, 148). 

1. 83. MS. gearo se J?e hleapeft n%gl neomegende. Read sceardfefter 
hleapeft, ntegl neomegende. Sceardfe&er is the quill or plectrum, the 
same as nsegl. The copyist has confused the consonants. 

I. 93. MS. weorod anes god. Read weoroda nergend. Confusion of 
r and s, and failure to notice or expand the contraction for n. 

Exodus (Gr.-W, n, 445). 

II. 59, 193. MS. gearwe b&ron. Read geatwe b&ron 'bore their 
armour/ i.e. ' advanced/ 

1. 145. MS. ymb an twig. Read ymb anes wig ' concerning the 
attack of one man (Moses)/ 

1. 180. MS. ymb hine w&gon. Read ymb hine wteron. Wtegon would 
have no object. 

60 Miscellaneous Notes 

1. 239. MS. licwunde swor. Read licwunde swol ' the burning of a 

I. 265. MS. tegnian mid yrmftum israhela cyn. For tegnian read 
ognian ' terrify/ from oga. 

II. 286, 287. MS. fia for& heonon in ece y&e fieahton. For ece read 
ecnesse, and transl. ' which hitherto the waves for eternity had covered.' 
Ford" here means ' extending from now backwards/ the usual word being 

11. 290, 291. MS. bring is areafod sand ssscir span. Read brim is 
areafod, sandste aspranc ' the sea is cleared away, the sandy waters have 
started aside/ The copyist has read a as ci, confused s, p, r with each 
other, and omitted c or eg owing to the closely following c of ic. 

1. 344. MS. gu&cyste onprang deaiuig sceaftum. Read dea&wigsceaftum 
' with deadly spears/ 

1. 358. MS. onriht godes. Read anriht Godes ' the privileged of God'(?); 
anriht does not however occur elsewhere. 

1. 465. MS. eyre swi&rode. Read eyrm swiftrode ( the clamour 

1. 469. MS. for&ganges nep searwum seswled sand barenodon witodre 
wyrde hwonne, etc. Read for&gang esnes searwum asteled. Sand hi 
renedon witodre wyrde hwonne, etc. ' The advance of the warrior(s) was 
impeded by their armour. The sands prepared for their appointed 
destiny/ etc. 

1. 475. se fte feondum geneop. Read gehweop 'menaced/ 

1. 484 ff. MS. pa se mihtiga sloh mid halge hand heofonrices weard 
werbeamas wlance fteode ne mihton forhabban helpendra paft mere- 
streames mod. Inserting on after werbeamas and reading fte&m for pa&, 
we transl. 'When the Almighty with his holy hand, the guardian of 
heaven, struck the barriers. Neither the proud people (the Egyptians) 
nor the hand (lit. embrace) of helpers could check the fury of the sea/ 
Werbeam means ' weir-bar/ ' flood-gate/ The insertion of on corrects 
the metre. 

1. 491. MS. witrod gefeol heah ofheofonum. Read wigrod ' the war- 
pole/ i.e. the mighty thunderbolt which God hurls down upon the 
Egyptians ; it is compared to an ' old sword/ aide mece. 

1. 498. MS. si&&an hie on bogum brun yppinge modwwga mcest. Read 
si&ftan hie on hog am hran yrringa modwiega msest ' when the greatest 
of angry waves furiously seized them by the heels/ The copyist has 
been careless here with the consonants. 

1. 500. m&gen eall gedreas &a pe gedrecte. For &a fie read deafie, 

Miscellaneous Notes 61 

and for gedrecte read gedrencte, which argrees with the plural idea in 

Riddles (Gr.-W., in, 183). 

n, 10. MS. beamas fylle holme gehrefed. Read helme ' tree-top,' for 

IV, 24. MS. p&r bid 1 hlud wudu brimgiesta breahtm. Read wada for 
wudu and transl. ' there will be the loud crash of the waters, of the sea- 
travellers (i.e. waves).' 

xvi, 15. MS. hine beraft breast. Read hi ne beria& breost ' they (i.e. 
my young ones) do not leave (lit. lay bare) my breast.' 

I. 16. MS. nele frtet r&d teale. Read ne ic for nele and transl. ' I do 
not consider that advisable ' ; cp. Beowulf 1. 2027, frset, rsed talaft. 

LVI, 15. MS. se hine on mede wordum secgan hu se wudu hatte. For 
hine on mede read him ne ormede ' despairs not/ Ormedan is not found 
elsewhere, but is a regular derivative from ormod. A finite verb is 
necessary to the sense. 

LIX, 25. MS. ofer heahhofu ; read heahhafu ' deep seas.' 

Rhyme Poem (Gr.-W., m, 160). 

II. 6-8. MS. frtetwed weegon wic ofer ivongum wennan gongum lisse 
mid longum leoma getongum. Taking wennan as Kentish for wynnum, 
we transl. ' (Gaily) caparisoned steeds bore me, rejoicing and delighted, 
in long rambles amid the branches (of the forest).' 

1. 9. Read onstreaht for onspreht. 

1. 18. MS. frenden wtes ic mtegen. Read penden wi&s ic on hyhte, to 
rhyme with gepyhte. 



The entry of the 28th of July, 1597, in Henslowes Diary 1 , whereby 
Henslowe acknowledges that he had received 'of Bengemenes Johnsones 
Share' the sum of 3s. 9d., has never, I think, been satisfactorily explained, 
though it has frequently been dealt with. At any r^e, no less an 
authority than Dr Greg considers that the meaning of the entry is still 
an open question 2 . What exactly was the nature of Jonson's 'share'? 
I propose an answer which suggests itself to me after a study of certain 
analogous entries in the Diary. To present my point adequately it will 
be necessary to say a preliminary word about Elizabethan theatrical 

1 Ed. W. W. Greg, i, p. 47. 

2 See below, p. 64, n. 1. 

62 Miscellaneous Notes 

' shares ' and ' sharers/ and to review the explanations of the entry that 
have hitherto been offered. 

In the Elizabethan theatre there were at least two types of sharers : 
first, the ' actor-sharers,' that is to say, the eight or ten mature players who 
had passed beyond the 'hireling' stage. Each actor-sharer's income 
consisted of his part of the company's share in the daily takings. That 
share, at the time with which we are concerned, was made up of the 
general admission receipts at the door, plus one-half the extra money 
collected in the galleries for it is well known that in those days each 
man paid his penny or twopence on entering the house, and additional 
sums if he desired a place in the galleries, the boxes, or on the stage 1 . 
The other half of the gallery money went to the second type of ' sharer,' 
the ' housekeepers,' or proprietors of the playhouses. Here it should 
be noted as Dr Greg has shown 2 that Henslowe frequently impounded 
his companies' share of the gallery receipts by way of security for the 
money he lent them to buy costumes and properties 3 . More significant 
for our purposes is a point which has not had the attention it deserves ; 
namely, that Henslowe was in the habit of doing for individual actor- 
sharers just what he sometimes did for the companies at large. He 
repeatedly made loans to individual players, and recouped himself by 
attaching their part of the company's gallery money. Since the ' gathering ' 
was done by the housekeepers or their employees 4 , the process was simple. 
I shall try to show in a moment that the Jonson entry was but one of 
many which record similar liquidations of debts incurred by Henslowe 's 

Let us look, meanwhile, at two other transactions between Jonson 
and Henslowe which are intimately connected with the entry in question. 
We have seen that on July 28, 1597, Jonson paid Henslowe 3s. 9d. upon 
a debt he owed him. Henslowe also notes that ' Bengemen Johnson 
Plaier ' had borrowed 5s. from him six months earlier 5 , and that, on the 
very day he paid the 3s. 9d., he borrowed another 4 6 . What is the 
meaning of these several transactions, and from what sort of a ' share ' 
of Jonson's did Henslowe draw the smaller amount ? Fleay thought 7 it 

1 I have discussed these matters at length in Studies in Philology, April, 1918, and 
Publications Modn. Lang. Assn. of America, March, 1920. Shakspere, and other exceptional 
actor- sharers, were also housekeepers and thus shared twice. 

2 Henslowe's Diary, n, 124. 

3 His 1613 contract with the Lady Elizabeth's Men specifically provided that this 
security be allowed him. See Henslowe Papers, ed. Greg, p. 24. 

4 Ibid., p. 3. 

5 January 5, 1597. See H. D., i, p. 200. 

6 Ibid., i, 200. 

7 English Drama, i, p. 342. 

Miscellaneous Notes 63 

could 'hardly have been a share in the Rose, much more likely in Paris 
Garden, where Jonson played Zulziman,' according to Horace's admission 
in Satiromastix (acted 1601) : 

Tucca. Thou hast been at Parris garden, hast not ? 
Horace. Yes Captaine I ha plaide Zulziman there 1 . 

' The smallness of the amount ' Jonson paid Henslowe on July 28, 
1597, leads Mr J. T. Murray to agree that the poet could not have been 
buying a share in the Rose, but, since Paris Garden the Bear Garden, 
to be more exact was an older and poorer house, Murray accepts as a 
plausible conjecture Fleay's view that Jonson held a proprietary share 
in that house 2 . 

There are, however, many reasons for doubting this explanation. In 
the first place, the Satiromastix passage alludes to an early stage of 
Jonson's career 3 , and it seems clear that at the time he was acting at 
the Bear Garden he had but recently graduated from the ranks of the 
strollers and had yet to win his reputation as a playwright. It is well 
to recall, therefore, that the owners of proprietary shares in the theatres 
were at that time of two types only : either successful business men who 
were able to invest substantial sums of money, or actors and playwrights 
who stood at the very top of their profession 4 . Indeed, there is no real 
evidence to show that any actors or playwrights owned proprietary 
shares until the Burbages built the Globe in 1599, when, according to 
Cuthbert Burbage, they 'joyned to ourselves those deserveing men, 
Shakspere, Hemings...and others... partners in the proffittes of that they 
call the House 5 .' In any case, Alleyn and Henslowe and Jacob Meade, 
waterman, appear to have been the sole owners of the Bear Garden and 
the Hope, which replaced it later 6 . Nor is there any other entry in the 
Diary which would justify the conclusion that Henslowe ever impounded 
a housekeeper's share. 

He certainly did frequently lend money to individual actor-sharers, 
and then collected from their gallery money. On September 4, 1602, 
for example, he lent half a crown to Thomas Heywood, then an actor- 
sharer in Worcester's Men, to 'bye hime a payer of sylke garters 7 ,' and 
though in this case we have no record of a liquidation of tfte debt, there 

1 Scene 7. Ed. Scherer, p. 46. 

2 English Dramatic Companies, n, p. 144. 

3 Ibid., n, p. 145. 

4 Cf. the 1635 Globe and Blackfriars Share Papers, Halliwell-Phillipps, Outlines, i, 
p. 312 ff., and the mass of theatrical litigation discovered by Professor Wallace and others. 
(Bibliography in Sir Sidney Lee's 1916 ed. of the Life of Shakespeare, p. 310.) 

5 Halliwell-Phillipps, op. cit., i, 317. 

6 Greg, H. D., n, pp. 37-41 ; cf. Hensl. Papers, p. 19. 

7 H. D., i, p. 178. 

64 Miscellaneous Notes 

are a number of other cases where both loan and settlement are accounted 
for. Before examining them, let us look at Dr Greg's statement con- 
cerning the entry we are discussing. 'Jonson,' he says 1 , 'is... said to 
have acted himself, and, indeed, Henslowe describes him as " player " in 
the Diary. It is also possible that he may at one time have contemplated 
acquiring a share in the Admiral's Company! He then notes the payment 
of 3s. 9d., and adds, ' but no further payments seem to have been made. 
Of course the entry may refer to something quite different/ Dr Greg, 
too, seems to have thought that Jonson may have been paying an instal- 
ment upon a share he had bought. Here it should be said that if Jonson 
was then acquiring a share in the Admiral's Men (in the company, be it 
noted, as distinct from the playhouse) he would scarcely have paid an 
instalment upon the purchase to Henslowe, who was chief housekeeper, 
but not a member of the company. 

The fact of the matter seems to be not that Jonson was paying for a 
share he expected to buy, but that he was an actor-sharer at the time, 
and that Henslowe was recouping himself for an earlier loan to the poet 
from Bengemenes Johnsones share of the gallery takings. This was 
exactly wnat he did eight months later for another one of his actor- 
sharers, none other than Gabriel Spencer, whom Ben killed very shortly 
after 2 . From March 10 to April 5, 1598, Spencer obtained from Henslowe 
personal loans amounting to 46s. 8 A day later, on April 6, Henslowe 
was beginning to get his money back, for he notes that he had received 
'of gabrell spencer... of his share in the gallereyes,' 5s. 6d., an entry 
almost identical with that ' of Bengemenes Johnsones Share 4 .' Probably 
just such another series of transactions was that between Henslowe and 
Humphrey Jeffes, another actor-sharer in the Admiral's Men. On April 6, 
1598, once more, Jeffes borrowed from Henslowe 20s. 'In Redy mony 6 .' 
Probably there had been earlier borrowings, for, beginning with January 
14, 1597, Henslowe was receiving regular weekly payments 'of humfreye 
Jeaffes hallffe sheare 6 .' At all events, the debt of April 6, 1598, seems to 
have been taken care of, for, beginning on April 29 and for several 
months after, Henslowe started to keep ' A Juste acownte of all suche 
moneye as I dooe Receue for vmfrey Jeaffes and antoney Jeaffes 7 ' pay- 

1 H. D., ii, pp. 288-9. 

2 Cf. Hensl. Papers, p. 48. 

3 H.D., i, p. 75. He was also concerned, with one of his fellows, in another loan of 
30s., on March 8, 1598. (Ibid., i, p. 73.) 

4 Ibid,, i, p. 63. 

6 And further sums of 35s. later. H. D., i, p. 64. 

6 Ibid., i, p. 67. 

7 Another sharer in the Admiral's Men and perhaps a brother of Humphrey ? See H . D. , 

Miscellaneous Notes 65 

merits, usually, of half a crown each week. Three years later, when the 
Admiral's Men had moved to the Fortune, their actor-sharers apparently 
borrowed and paid in the old way. Between June 30 and Septem- 
ber 5, 1601, Henslowe received from four of them, Richard Jones, 
Thomas Dowton, Robert Shaw, and William Bird, a number of weekly 
payments towards 'ther privet deats wch. they owe vnto me 1 .' In any 
one week the four paid identical amounts, but these amounts vary from 
one week to the next a fact which suggests that the payments came 
from a common source : doubtless each man's part of the company's 
gallery takings. Henslowe, in short, regularly lent money to his actor- 
sharers, and as regularly collected from the earnings of their shares. It 
seems a fair inference, then, that Gabriel Spencer's share and Humphrey 
Jeffes and Ben Jonson's were all of a kind, and that Jonson in 1597 was 
not a part owner of the Rose nor yet the Bear Garden, but an actor- 
sharer in the Admiral's Men. Like Shakespeare, Heywood, Nathaniel 
Field, and many another playwright, he scored his first success as an 
actor, for the actor-sharers were players who had made their mark. 



In Part I, Section 30 of the Religio Medici we read : ' As the Devil 
is concealed and denyed by some, so GOD and good Angels are pretended 
by others, whereof the late defection of the Maid of Germany hath left 
a pregnant example.' 

A MS. which was in Wilkins' possession when he edited the Religio 
Medici in 1836 had the following note attached to the words 'Maid of 
Germany,' ' That lived without meat, on the smell of a rose.' The same 
MS. for ' defection ' had ' detection.' I am informed that another MS. 
(unknown to Wilkins) which has been for 200 years in the library of 
St John's College, Cambridge (class-mark H. 15), agrees with Wilkins' 
MS. in both respects. 

It is probably an open question whether the gloss on the words ' Maid 
of Germany' was added by Browne himself, or by some on^else on a MS. 
then in his hands. It is also uncertain whether Browne is responsible 
for the two forms ' defection ' and ' detection,' or whether one of them is 
a corruption of what Browne wrote, and in this case which is Browne's 
word and which is the corruption. Further if Browne wrote 'defection/ 
in what sense did he use the word ? 

i H.D., i, p. 162. 
M.L.R.XVI. 5 

66 Miscellaneous Notes 

The allusion to the maiden ' that lived without meat on the smell of 
a rose ' appears to have had no light thrown on it by Browne's commen- 
tators. It seems, however, to be illustrated by a ballad of the beginning 
of the seventeenth century preserved in MS. in Lord Macclesfield's library 
and printed by Mr Andrew Clark in the Shirburn Ballads (1907) p. 54. 
The heading is : * Of a maide nowe dwelling at the towne of meurs in 
dutchland, that hath not taken any foode these 16 yeares, and is not 
yet neither hungry nor thirsty ; the which maide hath lately been pre- 
sented to the lady elizabeth, the king's daughter of england. This song 
was made by the maide her selfe, and now translated into english.' 
The maid is made to say : 

No thirst nor hunger me annoy es, 

nor weakenes my estate ; 
But Hues like one that's finely fed 

with dainties delicate. 
For daily in my hand I beare 

a pleasant smelling flower, 
Which to maintaine me safe in health 

hath still the blessed power. 

She goes on in agreement with Browne's account of his Maid of 
Germany to claim divine assistance : 

Then yeelded I the lord aboue 

eternall laude and prase 
That thus hath made me in my life 

a wonder of these daies. 

It seems likely that the maid of the ballad was the one that was in 
the mind of Browne's annotator : and if the annotator was Browne him- 
self she was his Maid of Germany. But the ballad throws no light on 
the ' detection ' or ' defection ' of the Maid. Whichever of the two words 
is the authentic one, the general sense of Browne's allusion would lead 
us to suppose that the Maid of Germany was somehow convicted of 
fraud, or gave way under examination. 




There still remain, it is true, 'a few moot points in regard to... the 
theatres of the Restoration,' but the number, position, and use of stage 
doors in the Theatre Royal and at Lincoln's Inn Fields in the days 
of Dryden are no longer obscure points and difficulties. Mr Allardyce 
Nicoll, however, who speaks of the stage doors as a ' minor detail/ and 
almost apologizes for attaching any consequence to 'such apparent 

Miscellaneous Notes 67 

trivialities,' whereas in reality they were an extremely important, promi- 
nent, and long-enduring 1 feature of the theatre, does not seem aware 
that the whole question of stage doors in the Restoration play-houses 
has already been fully examined and the actual facts clearly established. 
Commenting upon a stage direction in The Rover, I : ' Enter two Bravoes, 
and hang up a great picture of Angelica's, against the Balcony, and two 
little ones at each side of the Door,' I gave a detailed account of the 
balconies and doors and showed that ' if required, all four balconies, and 
more frequently, all four doors could be and were employed 2 .' I was 
largely helped in my investigations by Mr W. J. Lawrence's discovery of 
Sir Christopher Wren's designs for the second Theatre Royal, Drury 
Lane, 1674. These Mr Lawrence most generously placed at my disposal. 
All this is completely ignored by Mr Nicoll. 

In his recent essay 3 , Mr Nicoll having occasion to refer to Mr R. W. 
Lowe's Thomas Betterton (1889) praises this painstaking and indeed 
valuable study with more enthusiasm than knowledge. To speak of 
Mr Lowe's 'almost unerring theatrical judgment' is more creditable 
than critical. The book deserves warm commendation, but it is by no 
means so free from faults as Mr Nicoll believes, and more than a word 
of caution is necessary to those who use it. One serious blemish is that, 
pp. 188-9, Lowe gives a list of ' Characters played by Betterton. In 
addition to those mentioned in text,' the dates ranging from 1661 
1708-9. This list Lowe wholly based upon Genest, and it follows that in 
many cases the dates are entirely erroneous. Thus Mrs Behn's The Forcd 
Marriage was produced in December, 1670, at the Duke's Theatre, 
Lincoln's Inn Fields. Lowe, following Genest, gives 1672. Mr Nicoll here 
falls into a double mistake, for he writes that The Forc'd Marriage was 
produced at Dorset Gardens, 1672. The Atheist, which Lowe dates 1684, 
was produced in May or June 1683. Lee's The Massacre of Paris was 
produced in the autumn of 1689, not in 1690. There are blunders also 
in the body of the book : Otway's The History and Fall of Gains Marius, 
produced in 1679, preceded not followed The Orphan, produced in the 
early months (probably February) 1680. Lowe places The Orphan before 
Caius Marius and dates both tragedies 1680 (p. 122). 

In the course of his article Mr Nicoll cites various stage directions 
from John Banks' The Albion Queens: or, The Death of Mary Queen of 
Scotland, 4to, 1704. In this tragedy the Duke of Norfolk was acted by 

1 SeeW. J. Lawrence, The Elizabethan Playhouse: Proscenium Doors, p. 189, and the 
present writer's edition of The Rehearsal (1914), p. 104. 

2 Mrs Behn, vol. i, pp. 441-2. 

3 Modern Language Revieiv, vol. xv, p. 137. 


68 Miscellaneous Notes 

Wilks ; Morton by Mills. On page 2 of the quarto we have 'A LETTER 
for Mr Wilks.' Norfolk actually enters some forty lines later. On page 5 
we have in similar fashion ' A LETTER for Mr Mills.' Some thirty or 
forty lines later Morton, Courtiers, Guards, ' are discover'd at the throne ' 
in attendance upon Queen Elizabeth. (Morton is not made to enter as 
Mr Nicoll asserts.) The sense of these two prompter's directions is 
abundantly clear, but Mr Nicoll does not hesitate to inform us that : ' The 
"letter" seems to have been a contemporary theatrical phrase for a 
" call," ' a statement which is as unwarranted as it is patently absurd. 
The two letters are, of course, property letters which later in this act are 
very necessary to the business of the play. If Mr Nicoll had completed 
his reading of The A Ibion Queens he would have found that Morton hands 
a letter to Queen Elizabeth exclaiming : 

behold, a letter 
By Navus wrote ; and sign'd with her own Hand. (p. 8) ; 

and later (p. 10) Norfolk also presents a letter from Mary, Queen o' 
Scots, saying boldly to Elizabeth : 

Here is a Letter from that Guilty fair one ? 
She bid me thus present it on my Knees. 

These two letters are all-important to the conduct of the scene. 

That the curtain in a Restoration theatre was raised after the delivery 
of the Prologue can be amply proved 1 . The speaker made an entrance 
through one of the Proscenium doors and addressed the audience from 
the apron, 'well forward.' The Prologue to D'Urfey's The Marriage- 
Hater Match' d, produced at the Theatre Royal in the winter of 1691, 
was spoken by Mountford, who acted Sir Philip Freewit, and Mrs 
Bracegirdle who acted Phoebe, disguised in boy's clothes as Lovewell. 
' Prologue. Mr Monford Enters, meets Mrs Bracegirdle dressed in Boy's 
Cloaths, who seemingly Endeavours to go back, but he taking hold of 
her, Speaks' : 

Monf. Nay, Madam, there's no turning back alone ; 
Now you are Enter'd, faith you must go on ; 
And speak the Prologue, you for those are Fam'd. 

The Prologue ends : ' and so let's off. Exeunt.' Then commences : 
'Act I, scene 1. Enter Sir Philip and Lovewell.' Obviously after the 
Prologue Mountford and Mrs Bracegirdle retired, the curtain was raised, 
and they again entered to begin the first scene. 

The Prologue to The Innocent Mistress, a comedy by Mrs Mary Pix, 

1 There are exceptions, but very few ; e.g. Dryden and Howard's The Indian Queen 
(Theatre Eoyal, Jan. 1664). 'Prologue, As the Musick plays a soft Air, the Curtain rises 
slowly, and discovers an Indian Boy and Girl sleeping... ' 

Miscellaneous Notes 69 

produced at Lincoln's Inn Fields in 1697, was spoken by Verbruggen, 
who acted Sir Francis Wild love. Act I commences : ' Sir Francis Wildlove 
in his Chamber Dressing with Searchwell his man.' Searchwell was 
played by Knap. 

The curious Prologue to D'Urfey's The Virtuous Wife] or, Good 
Luck at Last, produced at the Duke's Theatre in 1679 not 1680 as 
Dr Forsythe erroneously states 1 deserves particular attention. It was 
' spoke by Mrs Barrer ' who says : 

I'll give o'er 

Desert the Muses Cause and play no more ; 
For Vnderhil, Jevan Currier, Tony Lee, 
Nokes, all have better Characters than me. 

whereupon ' Lee peeps out of a little window over the Stage.' 
Lee. What Mrs Barrer ! hah what's that you say ? 

This is a Plot, a trick 'tvvixt you and Nokes. 

Nokes peeps out of a little Window the other side of the Stage. 
Presently Mrs Barry declares : 

be friends, I'll Act for once I'll trye. 

Lee. Why then all's well again (shuts one Window. 

Nokes. And so say I shuts t'other Window. 

The existence of these little windows, which obviously had shutters 
to open or close, has not, I think, been noted by any writer on the 
Restoration theatre. One of the windows is used in Mrs Behn's The 
Round-Heads ; or, The Good Old Cause (produced at the Duke's 
Theatre, 1681-2) Act v, Scene 3, when, after the soldiers have gone off 
cheering and shouting Viva les Heroicks, Fleetwood, 'peeping out of a 
Garret Window? calls on the lay elder, Ananias. 

That the curtain in a Restoration theatre, having been raised after 
the Prologue, was not lowered between the acts has been shown so 
clearly and in such scholarly detail by Mr W. J. Lawrence that any 
recapitulation of his arguments would be the merest impertinence. He 
is followed by all authorities on this period. Accordingly when Mr Nicoll 
writes that the curtain 'seems... to have been employed with ever- 
increasing frequency between the acts' he is venturing a statement 
which, utterly unsupported by any evidence as it is, must be pronounced 
something more than temerarious. It is true that Mr Nicoll cites four 
examples to support his theory. Of these Settle's Canibyses, King of 
Persia (Lincoln's Inn Fields, 1666) and Sir Robert Howard's The Sur- 
prisal (Theatre Royal, 1665) are wholly beside the point. In each play 

1 'A Study of the Plays of Thomas D'Urfey. Part I.' Western Reserve University 
Bulletins, May 1916. 

70 Miscellaneous Notes 

there is a presentation of a masque which required special arrangement 
in setting the scenes. The Stage Direction, Act n, of Mrs Behn's The 
Forcd Marriage, Mr Nicoll, apparently relying upon the corrupt text of 
1724, misquotes. ' The Curtain is let down, and soft Musick plays ' should 
be ' The Curtain must be let down and soft Musick must play! The very 
wording of this direction shows it to be exceptional and I have drawn 
attention to the point in my Mrs Behn, vol. in, p. 472 and p. 493, both 
in the Textual and Critical notes. It is equally obvious that the example 
quoted from The Young Ring (Dorset Gardens, 1679) is also exceptional : 
' Act in, Scene 1. The Curtain is let down.' This was so used for ' a special 
show piece of theatrical business/ the discovery of Orsames seated on 
his throne in full state, with On either side of the Stage, Courtiers ready 
drest, and multitude of Lights. In fine, in the Restoration theatre the 
curtain did not fall between the acts, but the conclusion of each act was 
shown by a clear stage. This has been the actual practice in the recent 
revivals by the Stage Society and the Phoenix of comedies by Congreve, 
Vanbrugh, and Dryden, and it has proved extraordinarily effective. 

' The curtain/ writes Mr Nicoll, ' seems in most cases to have been 
lowered before the Epilogue/ To prove this amply several instances are 
cited from Orrery's works. No more unfortunate examples could have 
been chosen. Orrery's plays are largely spectacular, and on account of 
their magnificent mounting, scenic display, pomp and crowds, they de- 
manded special production and a particular use of the curtain. They are 
exceptional altogether. The same remarks equally apply to the operatic 
The Prophetess : or, The History of Dioclesian, put on by Betterton at 
Dorset Gardens in 1690. 

Innumerable examples could be quoted to show that the Epilogue 
was spoken before the curtain fell. A few of the most striking must 
suffice. At the conclusion of Sir Robert Howard's The Vestal Virgin: 
or, The Roman Ladies (Theatre Royal, 1664) 'Just as the last Words were 
spoke Mr Lacy enter'd and spoke the Epilogue/ which commences : 

By your leave, Gentlemen 
After a sad and dismal Tragedy 
I do suppose that few expected me. 

Sir Robert Howard altered the play, and it was Acted the Comical Way. 
We then have ' Epilogue spoken by Mr Lacy, who is suppos'd to enter 
as intending to speak the Epilogue for the Tragedy.' 

By your leave, Gentlem How ! what do I see ! 

How ! all alive ! Then there's no use for me. 

'Troth, I rejoice you are reviv'd agen ; 

And so farewell, good living Gentlemen. 

/. Nay, Mr Lacy. La. What wou'd you have with me '? 

Miscellaneous Notes 71 

The Epilogue to Crowne's Juliana ; or, The Princess of Poland 
(Lincoln's Inn Fields, 1671) is spoken by Mrs Long (Paulina) and Angel 
(the Landlord). If the curtain had fallen all point would be lost. The 
Epilogue to Crowne's The Destruction of Jerusalem, Part n (Theatre 
Royal, 1677) was spoken by Mrs Marshall (Berenice). Berenice had left the 
stage some eighteen lines before Kynaston as Titus declaimed the final 
tag, and The Play ended, Mrs Marshall returns and speaks The Epilogue 
in the character of Queen Berenice. The Epilogue to Ravenscroft's popular 
The London Cuckolds (Dorset Gardens, 1681) is spoken by no less than 
seven actors, Smith (Ramble), Mrs Currer (Eugenia), Leigh (Dashwell), 
Mrs Barry (Arabella), Nokes (Doodle), Underbill (Wiseacre), and Mrs 
Petty (Peggy). It would have been more than awkward for these 
characters to have left the stage and then returned for the Epilogue. 
The Epilogue to Mountford's The Successful Strangers (Theatre Royal, 
1690) was 'Spoke by Mr Nokes, Mr Lee, and Mr Mountfort! 

Mr Nokes pulling Mr Mountfort. Nay, Prithee corne forward and ben't so ashamed. 
Mr Lee. Time enough to be sad when thou ; rt sure thy 

Play's darnn'd ; 

and nineteen lines later we have ' [Mount, bows to Audi, and Exit.].' 
Had the curtain already fallen this business would have been impossible. 

There is a passage in Davies' Dramatic Miscellanies (1784), vol. in, 
p. 391, which has extremely puzzled writers upon Congreve, but which 
is quite clear when we remember that at the end of a play the actors 
remained grouped upon the stage whilst the speaker of the Epilogue 
advanced or entered, as the case might be. Davies writes : ' The stage, 
perhaps, never produced four such handsome women, at once, as Mrs 
Barry, Mrs Bracegirdle, Mrs Mountford, and Mrs Bowman : when they 
appeared together in the last scene of the Old Batchelor, the audience 
was struck with so fine a groupe of beauty, and broke out into loud 
applauses.' Mr Gosse, referring to this anecdote (Life of William Congreve, 
p. 57), says: 'No doubt the fact is correct, except in one particular: 
Mrs Barry had nothing to do on the stage in the last scene. She acted 
Letitia Fondlewife; but if we replace Mrs Barry by Mrs Leigh, the 
quartet is again complete.' No such change is necessary. Mrs Bracegirdle 
(Araminta), Mrs Mountford (Belinda), Mrs Bowman (Sylvia), were on 
the stage when Betterton (Heartwell) spoke the last lines, and Mrs Barry, 
entering to deliver the Epilogue, completed the quartet of beautiful 
actresses, although Letitia Fondlewife is not seen after Act iv of the 




The Lollard Bible and other Medieval Biblical Versions. By MARGARET 
DEANESLY. Cambridge: University Press. 1920. pp. xx + 483. 
8vo. 31s. 6d. net. 

Miss Deanesly's work is worthy of comparison with that of Samuel 
Berger in the variety of its interest and the knowledge that under- 
lies it. Her title hardly does her justice; the most interesting and 
important part is not the somewhat technical study of particular versions 
and texts, but her examination of the attitude of the medieval Church 
towards the use of the Bible by the laity and by theological students. 
But since her enquiry was prompted by doubts concerning the notion 
of an orthodox version anterior to Wyclif's, as Miss Deaiiesly with 
a laudable freedom from pedantry calls it, we may congratulate her upon 
her complete statement of the proofs to the contrary. Cardinal Gasquet's 
guess has long been discredited, but there has not yet been an adequate 
refutation of the idea that lay behind it in the mind of Sir Thomas More, 
the Cardinal's authority. This was that the fear of misuse had been the 
only cause of the discouragement, and even prohibition, of the study of 
the Bible, and that it had been sanctioned and promoted where no 
danger was felt. Miss Deanesly is able to show that the Bible, as such, 
had held but a small place in religious practice and theological study 
before the days of controversy, and therefore that it was not the strife 
which drove the Book into obscurity. It had never, in the medieval 
period, been prominent or popular. The devotional literature from 
about 1300, of which Miss Deanesly gives an interesting account, is not 
based on the whole Bible but on selected portions, and she shows that 
the Vulgate itself was a comparatively rare possession of monastic 
houses. It was the religious movement of the generation before Wyclif, 
of which Richard Rolle is typical, that created the demand for the parts 
of the Bible most suited for meditation, such as the Psalter, in the 
vernacular; and in southern Europe this was supplied by Waldensian 
versions, the heretical origin of which was suspected neither by the 
devout nor by their directors. But the author points out that there is 
comparatively little evidence for the use of translations even of the 
liturgical portions of the Gospels till the spiritual revival. Then, as she 
narrates, the Congregation of the Common Life, gaining the respectable 
status of Austin Canons and protecting their lay followers by giving 
them position equivalent to that of tertiaries among the Mendicants, 
gave a new vogue to the study of the Bible. In the later fourteenth 
century there is much evidence for it ; especially, as might be expected, 
among devout nuns, for whom a translation was necessary. Miss Deanesly 
might have mentioned that after the visitation of an English nunnery 

Reviews 73 

the bishop's injunctions were always given in English, and the need of 
the vernacular would be equally great in the Low Countries. Still, 
suspicion remained, and she cites some interesting ' determinations ' by 
jurists of Cologne in 1398 in favour of the use of German scriptures by 
the laity. They are of the nature of counsel's opinion, supporting the 
cause on behalf of which the lawyers were employed, and doubtless the 
problem had been stated in such a way as to suggest the answer that 
was desired. But at least these determinations prove that the use 
of the scripture in modern tongues was not absolutely unlawful, as since 
the Waldensian controversy it had been regarded. 

This brings us to the very date of the English versions, that of which 
Nicholas Hereford was the chief author, made at Oxford while Wyclif 's 
movement was still in the academic*stage, arid its revision by John Purvey, 
ten years later, completed with its Lollard preface by 1397. Perhaps 
the most interesting suggestion in the book is that as it was not Wyclif 
himself but his followers who laid stress on the study of the English Bible, 
so it was they who translated his writings into English. Miss Deanesly 
would localise this work at Leicester, the head of one of John of Gaunt's 
earldoms, where Wyclif 's disciples, like their master at Lutterworth in 
the same county, found protection. 

After the conciliar condemnation of the English Bible in 1408, followed 
by the Archbishop's sanction of the translation of St Bonaventure's 
Meditations as a substitute for devotional purposes, Miss Deanesly 
continues her enquiry. She notes the instances of religious books 
bequeathed in wills, and the evidence of monastic catalogues. She is 
able to show that the books were few, and that when the English Bible, 
or parts of it, were possessed it was by persons of rank, whose confessors 
would supervise their reading. Among such must be classed the nuns of 
the two wealthy houses of Sion and Barking, where alone among nuns 
there is proof that such reading was practised. As for the one rival to 
the Wycliffite translation, a rival that had no success, the author 
qonnects its scanty remains with Lincoln Cathedral. There is no doubt 
of its orthodoxy, or of its failure. When the rise of Humanism is 
reached, there is a good statement of the contrary views of Erasmus and 
More, who not only judged a priori that a translation made by heretics 
must be corrupt and therefore that the existing translation, being honest, 
could not be the work of Wyclif s school, but also held that the public 
was better without the Book. The story ends with Thomas Cromwell's 
injunction of 1538 that the Great Bible should be set up in every 
church, which was in itself a notable victory of Humanism. 

In this long and leisurely study of evidences for the knowledge and 
use of the Bible and of books which might take its place, though much 
is rightly drawn from the learned quarterlies much is also an original 
contribution to our knowledge. A good deal is inevitably tentative, for 
evidence is not exhausted. But it is unlikely in the extreme that the 
picture will be seriously modified, and Miss Deanesly has done us 
a lasting service by her survey of a wide and varied field. It would be 
too much to demand that one pair of eyes should never fail. Bishop Fox 

74 Reviews 

of Hereford was not the author of the Acts and Memorials', an Arch- 
bishop of Metz (several times mentioned) would be vainly sought in 
Eubel or Gams; the Diatessaron in its original language for two 
centuries took the place of the Gospels in public worship, though the 
Codex Fuldensis, its Latin version, had not a widely extended influence. 
And who was Palmatus, baptised at Rome about the year 200 ? 

Mr Coulton, in introducing this as one of a series of Cambridge 
Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, makes high claims which will 
doubtless be justified by achievement. But is he not unduly hopeful 
when he expects the general public to be interested as deeply in historical 
researches as in scientific, if only the accuracy be equal ? After all, what 
attracts the world to the physical sciences is that experiments can 
always be repeated; if a dye or an explosive has once been invented, 
anyone who knows the formula is as well off as the discoverer. But 
history is a matter of observation, and the science with which it can 
best be compared is astronomy. We do not find that interest in it is 
increasing ; and in these days of cheap watches it is probable that we 
know and care less about its practical use than did our grandfathers. 



Early Theories of Translation. By FLORA Ross AMOS. New York : 
Columbia University Press ; London : H. Milford. 1920. pp. xv + 
184. $2 net. 

In this volume a useful piece of work has been done at the cost 
of much painstaking research extending over many centuries of our 
literature. The subject was not one in which new and surprising 
discoveries were to be expected, but it demanded and has engaged 
the constant exercise of sound and discriminating judgment, and a 
sense of proportion which has forbidden any unnecessary divergence 
from the main theme. At the same time, this has not excluded a good 
deal of relevant and interesting detail ; and although a manageable 
subject could only be obtained by limiting reference to practice as 
compared with theory, practice has not been lost sight of, or absence of 
standards too readily inferred from absence of express statement. 

The work begins with a section on ' The Mediaeval Period/ in which 
the treatment of originals was generally very much as the author pleased, 
and amid much comment very little theory made its appearance ; followed 
by two on 'The Translations of the Bible' and 'The Sixteenth Century' 
respectively, in which are separately shown the influence of Biblical 
translation and the enthusiasm inspired by the Renaissance, in developing 
ideas of progress towards accuracy without obscurity, of the need of 
noting the differences and correspondences of the languages involved, 
of approximation to the style of an original so as to echo its grace, and, 
as expressed by Chapman at least, of the possibility of capturing its 
spirit. The last section, 'From Cowley to Pope/ develops the change 

Reviews 75 

from theory comprised in comment mostly scattered and incidental to 
theory considered and formulated by a few men well acquainted with each 
other's views. The chief figure is of course Dryden, and effective use is 
made, as the subject requires it, of his various reasoned advocacies of 
the middle course between literalism and the license championed by 
Denham and Cowley, and his illuminating discussion of all related 
points. Perhaps he loses something in fulness of treatment by this 
convenient method of citing his pronouncements separately as the 
argument provokes them, but his pre-eminency does not suffer, and his 
claim to be a pioneer in regard to the reproduction of metrical effects 
in translating is recognised. Finally, the excellent theories set forth 
by Pope in his preface before Homer, and accepted by his contemporaries, 
are contrasted with the real sacrifice of fidelity made by him and them to 
decorum and the standard of his own diction and style, and the book 
ends with Cowper's reaction against such methods. 

I now turn to one or two particular points. It is well that attention 
should have been drawn to the real freedom, comparatively speaking, of 
sixteenth (and early seventeenth) century translators, as contrasted 
with Chapman's charge that they ' all so much apply Their pains and 
cunning word for word to render Their patient authors,' and to the pre- 
valence of the same view in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 
Indeed it is not yet extinct, and one cannot help feeling that though 
no doubt the known practice of Jon son, and his importance, had a good 
deal to do with the impression, there must at least have been more 
behind it than is here indicated. In the case of Horace, Drant, whose 
theory (as set forth in 'To the Reader' before A medicinable Morall, 
that is the two Bookes of Horace his Satyres, &c., 1566) is cited as ' most 
radical of all ' in regard to ' undue liberty with source,' might also have 
been quoted on the other side from his remarks before Horace His arte 
of Poetrie, pistles, and Satyrs Englished, &c., 1567, and so, presumably, 
according to his second thoughts. After noting the charge that ' the 
boke by me thus Englished is harde and difficulte/ he says: 'That it 
shoulde not be harde through me what haue I not done which might 
be done ? I haue translated him sumtymes at Randun. And nowe at 
this last time welnye worde, for word, and lyne for lyne.' Lucans First 
Book. Translated line by line, &c., is the title of Marlowe's translation 
ofLucan, 1600. 

. To the literal seventeenth century translators, May, Sandys, etc., 
who are coupled with Jonson as deepening the impression, Christopher 
Wase may be added. His edition of Grati Falisci CynegeMcon appeared 
in 1654 with a pleasant commendatory poem by Waller and 'A preface 
to the Reader/ in which he expresses his hope that the poem ' may be 
understood with ease, and the delight of attending to the elegancies in 
it ' may be c rather doubled, then intermitted: by adjoyning a Translation 
in equall consort/ He gives ' the sense of the author in a strict Meta- 
phrase; the whole 540 Latine verses being rendred into a like number 
of English/ and has much to say on the difficulty ' of rendring terms 
peculiar to any Art out of one Language into another/ In a short book 

76 Revieivs 

on an extensive subject omissions are inevitable, bat for their own sakes 
I should have liked to see the names of those excellent translators and 
friends, Thomas Stanley and Sir Edward Sherburne, in the index. 
The conclusion of Sherburne's Life of Seneca (The Tragedies, etc., 1701), 
comprising ' A Brief Discourse concerning Translation/ was probably 
written after 1691, but the three tragedies given were done long before, 
the Medea as early as 1648. Sherburne denies the right of free trans- 
lators to appeal to Horace, Nee verbum verbo curabis, by pointing out 
that this precept must be taken with its context, and describes his 
translation as 'not curtail'd or diminished by a partial Version, nor 
lengthened out or augmented by a preposterous Paraphrase; but the 
genuine Sense of Seneca in these Tragedies intelligibly delivered, by 
a close Adherence to his Words as far as the Propriety of Language 
may fairly admit; in Expressions not unpoetical, and Numbers not 
unmusical. But representing, as in a Glass, his just Lineaments and 
Features, his true Air and Mien, in his own Native Colours, unfarded 
with adulterate Paint, and keeping up (at least aiming so to do) his 
distinguishing Character, in a word rendring him entire, and like. 
Which are the things a Translator should chiefly, if not solely intend.' 

Gildon's section on Roscommon's Essay on Translated Verse in his 
Laws of Poetry, 1721, supports the attack on rhyme with which that 
essay concludes, and which ought to have appeared on p. 161 of 
Dr Amos's book, if not elsewhere, in modification of what is there said 
as follows: 'Roscommon, whose version of Horace's Art of Poetry is 
in blank verse, says that Jonson's translation lacks clearness as a result 
not only of his literalness but of the " constraint of rhyme," but makes 
no further attack on the couplet as the regular vehicle for translation.' 
The attack had already been made. Henry Felton's A Dissertation on 
Reading the Classics, And Forming a Just Style Written in the Year 
1709, &c. (ed. 3, 1718), deserves mention, in any later edition, for an 
attempt to treat with perspicuity and considerable fulness the subject of 
translation and imitation; which, in his own opinion at any rate, 'will 
appear perhaps in a different Light from any Thing hitherto advanced 
upon it.' 

The book appears to be very correctly printed, but why should 
quotations be modernised, those in Middle English verse excepted, in a 
book of this kind ? Henry Brome, on p. 136 and in index, should be 
Alexander Brome (Henry was the publisher), and the reference to 
note 2 on p. 144 should be removed from 'Brome' to the previous 
word. There appears to be a misprint of ' Main ' for ' Maim ' in the 
verses on p. 152. On p. 17 the impression is accidentally given that 
Alfred's translation of Boethius (not the Metro, only) is in verse. 

R. H. CASE. 

Reviews 77 

The Percy Reprints. Edited by H. F, B. BRETT-SMITH. No. 1. The 
Vnfortvnate Traueller. By THOMAS NASHE. xx + 132 pp. 5s. 
No. 2. Gammer Gvrtoris Nedle. By M r S. M r of Art. xv + 80 pp. 
4s. Qd. Oxford : Basil Blackwell. 1920. 

These volumes, excellently printed on good paper and light to hold, 
begin a series of reprints which promises to be of much interest and 
wide range. It wisely seeks to meet the wants of students by reprinting 
texts unaltered in spelling and punctuation, and by recording important 
variations and all misprints. This last is unobtrusively done by rele- 
gating the misprints to a list at the close of each book, with a view to 
the convenience of general readers who are optimistically expected. To 
propitiate them further, explanations are reduced to a few pages of notes 
in the same place, but all readers would prefer a glossary, at once com- 
plete, concise, and frank about the unknown. It is irritating to turn to 
notes and draw blank. 

The editor's brief introductions are eminently readable. In prefacing 
No. 1, The Unfortunate Traveller, he justly deprecates the idea of 
imitation of Lazarillo de Tonnes, and draws a distinction between Jack 
Wilton and this earliest picaresque hero in rank and motive, which is 
both true and important in the main, but not quite impartial. Jack 
Wilton is a heartless young rascal, and self-approvingly records how he 
tricked a foolish captain into seeking torture and death, while Lazarillo 
has a kind heart, some natural principle, and an amusing simplicity of 
nature which blends with and qualifies his complacency as a husband. 
These points are evident enough to have been seized upon by the best 
continuator and used^with good effect. 

Nashe, who had behind him the development of the Jest-Book in the 
direction of the picaresque novel, Lyly's Euphues, the English Faust book, 
the books on coney-catching, and Greene's realistic work, the translations 
from Italian, etc., fuses elements resembling all these into a narrative 
medley with an historical background. It begins with jests and trickery 
(flat, indeed, beside the protracted and fascinating duel between Lazarillo 
and the blind beggar), and ends with a crude but forceful intensifica- 
tion of the lust and blood of the Italian novella, complicated with the 
popular theme of scandalising the Pope and bemonstering the Jew. In 
between are found Ascham's horror of Italy, the didacticism of Lyly, the 
anti-Martinist's scornful gibing at puritans and all ultra-protestant sects, 
the heroical romance element in the story of Surrey and the fair 
Geraldine, and ingredients of the book of travel. We may be thankful he 
omitted pastoral. The greatest pleasure to be got from the book, and it 
is a real one, is the free exercise of Nashe's well-known satirical gifts, 
and extraordinary command of language vividly expressive and abusive, 
in the editor's words, his ' sovereign gift, the faculty of racy and coloured 
speech.' I do not, however, see the point of citing his earlier repudiation 
of the charge of imitating Euphues. Some of the features of Lyly's style 
are certainly often employed in this book, nor will it do to limit it with 
Jusserand ( The English Novel in the Time of Shakespeare, note, p. 309) 

78 Reviews 

' to the mouth of his self-confident good-for-nothing as the finishing 
touch of his portrait.' The old banished earl preaches in Lyly's manner, 
and Heraclide tries to melt her ravisher by similes, and laments her rape 
in the same fashion. In the notes the editor's interpretation of zanie, 
p. 83, in an unusual sense asfemme de chambre, seems to me to be quite 
put out of court on p. 90, where the husband finds his wife's fellow 
victim, ' his simple Zanie Capestrano runne through.' The book is care- 
fully edited, and I have noted only two or three unimportant misprints. 
No. 2, Gammer Gvrtoris Nedle, supplies an exact and handy reprint 
of the second regular English comedy and only existing specimen of 
sixteenth century vernacular University comedy. Mr S.'s observation 
of character puts his work on a higher plane than would otherwise be 
appropriate to its farcical plot and broad humour in rustic dialect, 
savouring more than a little of ' the dungy earth.' The editor briefly 
but vividly shews the interest of the comedy as a jovial picture of 
village life at its date; and in the play itself every character lives, from 
Cocke, the merry boy, to Master Baylye, an arbitrator of disputes as 
acute and humorous as Justice Clement, without his eccentricity. 
Perhaps even the portraiture of the two angry dames, ' alike/ as the 
editor says, ' in suspicion and action, yet subtly differentiated in char- 
acter,' must yield to that of Hodge. His putting of the male point of 
view, when he learns the loss of the needle, on which not only the 
whole story turns, but also the mending of his breeches for the courtship 
of Kristian Clack, Tom Simson's maid, has only to be read once to be 
remembered ever : 

Wherto serued your hands and eies, but this your neele to kepe 
What deuill had you els to do, ye kept ich wot no sheepe 
Cham faine a brode to dyg and delue, in water, myre and claye 
Sossing and possing in the durte, sty 11 from day to daye 
A hundred thinges that be abrode, cham set to see them weele 
And foure of you syt idle at home, and can not keepe a neele. 

The editor's notes, so far as they go, are useful and to the point. Perhaps 
in suggesting that this (v, ii, 308) is a misprint for 'tis, he has considered 
and rejected the possibility of its being the contraction of this is which 
sometimes occurs. It would have been well to note (with defence of the 
original) the reading fayth! for sayth (I, iii, 17) in Dr Bradley 's text 
(Representative English Comedies, ed. Gayley, 1907), and that breafast 
(ll, ii, 64) is not a misprint. The following appear to be such, it for if 
(n, v, 5) and y for if (v, ii, 196). A welcome addition to the book is 
an appendix containing the earlier version of the famous drinking song 
in Act n, as printed by Dyce in 1843. 


Die Characterprobleme bei Shakespeare. Eine Einfuhrung in das Ver- 

stdndnis des Dramatikers. Von LEVIN L. SCHUCKING, Professor an 

der Universitat, Breslau. Leipzig: B. Tauchnitz. 1919. 

'In all commentating upon Shakespeare, there has been a radical 

error never yet mentioned. It is the error of attempting to expound his 

Reviews 7 9 

characters, to account for their actions, to reconcile their inconsistencies, 
not as if they were the coinage of a human brain, but as if they had 
been actual existences upon earth.' 

E. A. POE, Marginalia : Addenda. 

Different ages and countries may have produced poets as great as or 
greater than Shakespeare, but none has produced a dramatist who has 
harped more intensely and convincingly on the eccentricities, follies, 
failures, weaknesses and enormities of human nature. In all the long 
procession of his outstanding characters, hardly one has made the best 
of his or her life. This disconcerting realism has proved too much for 
the Nineteenth Century, and while poets have recreated the actual world, 
after their own imaginations, critics (some of them hardly less poetical) 
have read into Shakespeare's mimic world the tendencies which they 
yearned to feel around them. A reaction was sure to come and since 
the dawn of the Twentieth Century, scholars have here and there begun 
to treat the problems of Shakespeare in a less idealising spirit. For the 
most part, their work has been tentative isolated monographs on some 
particular play or aspect of Shakespeare's dramas. And now, as soon as 
Peace is declared there appears a German book which incorporates all 
these beginnings, but deals with the whole Shakesperean question com- 
prehensively and ex cathedra. It is in fact the first manifesto of the 
new movement. 

Under these circumstances, it is necessary to give a full analysis of 
the argument, all the more as the work has not yet been translated. 
Prof. Schticking is thoroughly scientific and practical in his method. 
He is not embarking on an appreciation of Shakespeare's genius, or on 
an examination of his interpretation of life. He confines his, attention 
to the unexpected difficulties which arise in studying Shakespeare's 
characters. For he maintains that the puzzles and enigmas ought to be 
unexpected. Shakespeare's work was intended to be popular. It did not 
rely on the support of a circle or cult, as so many modern poems and 
plays have done ; it did not even aim at being modern. The dramatist 
seems to have chosen the subjects and the mise- en- scene which appealed 
to the ordinary taste and average intelligence of the time and he appears 
to have been content with at any rate partial anonymity. And yet his 
plays are far less intelligible than many other old compositions destined 
for more critical and sophisticated audiences. In Prof. Schucking's 
opinion commentators such as Loning, Dowden, Bradley and others are 
perplexed and confused because they are out of sympatl^ with Shake- 
speare's mind. They have assumed that the poet's intellect was domi- 
nated by quite modern speculations, while all the time his creativeness 
was moulded and directed by the primitive conditions of the Elizabethan 

Shakespeare had in view a stage on which the actors practically 
mixed with the onlookers and, thanks to this intimacy, retained some- 
thing of the atmosphere of story-tellers. So the characters were designed 
to be on familiar terms with the audience, to be conscious of their 

80 Reviews 

presence, to explain their own qualities or comment on the plot and 
even to address the spectators personally. Thus Lady Macbeth talks of 
her own designs as ' fell/ Cordelia, Brutus and Henry V offend against 
the most elementary canon of modesty and lago is openly convinced of 
his own villany. But the commmentators, accustomed to the aloofness 
of the modern stage, and to its attention to spectacular realism, cannot 
understand these inconsistencies. The test example is the character of 
Julius Caesar. His self-glorification seems so excessive to modern 
theatrical ideas, that Brandes cannot explain his speeches without sup- 
posing that this colossus has become a dotard. The truth is that Caesar's 
greatness fills the whole piece. He is throughout an heroic character, 
masterful in every word and gesture and even after Death his spirit can 
conquer the living. To give him individuality, Shakespeare introduced 
a number of personal traits apoplexy, superstition, susceptibility to 
flattery and he thus becomes a man without losing the attributes of 
a superman. The audience, even if they had forgotten the Caesar of the 
medieval romances, undoubtedly expected the character to make this 
impression ; and such impression is necessary to the dramatic situation. 
But how could the effect be produced ? The play does not deal with the 
'famous victories of Julius Caesar.' In fact he is passive throughout. 
He could appear great only by self-praise or by the praise of others. 
Shakespeare probably had less scruple in employing self-praise because 
there was already a dramatic tradition to represent Caesar in the spirit 
of Seneca's Hercules Oetaeus. But the dramatist had another and very 
likely more cogent reason in that no other personage could be suitably 
employed at the beginning of the play to praise Caesar, whereas the 
audience were quite prepared for a character to explain his own good 
or bad qualities much as the old figures in the moralities introduced 
themselves with ' I am....' 

This objective treatment is the first essential difference between the 
modern and the Shakespearean theatres. The figures sometimes express 
not what would really be passing in their own minds, but what the 
spectators are intended to think about them or about the situation. 
Next to self-revelation, comes the light thrown on leading characters 
by their associates, such as the mob's opinion of Coriolanus or Oliver's 
admiration for Orlando whom he is trying to kill, or Edmund's apprecia- 
tion of Edgar. Troilus is a good example. He is treated with contempt 
or with pity by commentators such as Kreyssig, Wolff, Tatlock. Yet his 
description of himself and his portrait by Ulysses make it clear that in 
reality he is an heroic character, sincere and passionate, who is learning 
his first lesson in the faithlessness of women. Similarly Macbeth is not 
a man of action and of iron will, as Ulrici, Kreyssig and Brandes 
imagine, nor in the first place an intellectual with an over-active 
imagination as Raleigh thinks. The key to his character is found in 
Lady Macbeth's portrait of her husband in act I, sc. 5, and all through 
the play her attitude shows that his struggle is against weakness and 
irresolution, not against his better nature. Thus many of Shakespeare's 
speeches are not illustrative of the speakers but of the characters which 

Reviews 8 1 

they describe, or of some other topic on which the dramatist wishes to 
speak, as when he makes Mercutio describe dreams or Polonius give his 
paternal counsel, so full of wisdom and epigram. 

If commentators had noticed this feature of Elizabethan technique, 
they would have been saved from many blunders such as Vischer, 
Conrad, Wolff and Loning make, when they attempt to explain some 
speech which Shakespeare composed without bothering to adapt it to 
the speaker. Commentators would have avoided even more ludicrous 
mistakes, if they had realised the next important difference between 
the primitive and modern theatre, namely that not only speeches but 
whole scenes are sometimes isolated from the plot and have a denouement 
of their own. Riinelin goes so far as to say that scenes, such as the 
wooing of Anne by Richard III (i, 2), have an isolated completeness. 
At any rate there is a tendency to heighten scene-effects at the expense 
of the whole and to introduce words or statements, as Goethe pointed 
out, which are inconsistent with the rest of the plot, but give a greater 
force or completeness to particular episodes. Generally speaking, this 
tendency to construct ' step-by-step,' has had little effect on the unity 
of the principal characters, but there is a striking exception in the case 
of Cleopatra. In Act I Cleopatra is neither queenly nor truehearted 
but a coquette whose mentality centres in sensuality and passion. In 
the last acts she becomes essentially noble and as devoted as Juliet or 
Desdemona. Critics have looked for some thread of continuity in these 
rdles. If Shakespeare had intended the character to be consistent and 
to undergo some natural evolution, he would have put an explanatory 
speech into the \nouth of Cleopatra or of her associates or, as in the case 
of Lady Macbeth, he would have indicated in the opening scenes the 
qualities which were to survive in the last act. Probably he began by 
vilifying Cleopatra to gratify the conventional idea of a seductress ; or 
he inay have intended the character as the copy of some model such as 
1 the dark lady of the sonnets.' Then towards the close of the play he 
changed his mind, possibly for dramatic effect, and turned his courtesan 
into an ideal study. 

Antony and Cleopatra does not only exemplify the 'step-by-step' 
mode of composition. It will be remembered that after Antony's death, 
Cleopatra is fully resolved on suicide, but yet holds back some treasure 
and again sends messengers to Caesar. MacCallum and Boas suggest 
that her old selfish and covetous instincts have again temporarily got 
the better of her. Such an explanation may suit the allusiveness of 
modern art but not the methods of the Shakespearean stage. It is far 
more likely that the dramatist, however hasty his perusal of Plutarch, 
had found there certain episodes which he could not bring himself to 
forgo, even though they were no longer in harmony with his now 
idealised creation. In fact Shakespeare was so dependent on his data, 
thai he sometimes sacrifices his dramatic sense. It almost looks as if he 
did not in every case stop to realise the full range of historical facts in 
relation to the psychology of his characters. The older school of critics 
has gone astray in insisting that the story was secondary and that the 

M. L. B. xvi. 6 

S.2 Reviews 

starting point was the characters and dispositions of the leading figures. 
In reality Shakespeare's process seems to have been just the opposite. 
He seems to have started with a plot or situation, generally ready-made, 
and then, while constructing the individuality of his characters and 
filling them with warm life, to have persisted in fitting them into the 
prearranged scheme of events. Thus he frequently left discrepancies 
which commentators have been at their wit's end to explain away. The 
most conspicuous example of ill-adjustment of conduct to character will 
be found in Hamlet. The original Hamlet is lost, but from various sources 
and models, including Saxo Grammaticus, Der bestrafte Brudermord, 
Belleforest and Kyd we may conclude that Shakespeare found the main 
outlines of his plot ready to hand, especially the ghost, the motive, the 
need of secrecy, the simulation of madness and something of the trap- 
laying and game of life-and -death between the murderer and the 
avenger. Shakespeare introduced into this framework an addition of 
his own : the temperamental melancholic. This type, which has been 
analysed by Overbury and exemplified in Hieronimo (Spanish Tragedy), 
in Antonio (Antonio's Revenge) and in the comic Lord Dowsecer (A 
Humorous Days Mirth) displayed in the age of Shakespeare well-recog- 
nised symptoms. The melancholic was inclined to monomania, miso- 
gynism, and misanthropy, and this state of mind was betrayed, in his 
outward conduct by irritability, intolerance, lack of self-control and 
indecision. If the melancholic still retained any healthy instincts, they 
led him to music and natural scenery. Such is Hamlet's fundamental 
character, as his own words and appearance make clear in the opening 
scenes. Shakespeare remains surprisingly true to this first portrait ; the 
outward signs are sleeplessness, restlessness, absorption in stray thoughts, 
and the inward symptoms are moral weakness, inability to carry out a 
plan and irritability which finds vent in his intolerance of Polonius and 
in his behaviour at Ophelia's burial. All these qualities are found in 
Overbury 's character- sketch, but Shakespeare has developed them so 
vividly and daringly and has so far ennobled his hero's perceptions with 
regard to his dead father and to Horatio, that modern commentators 
have mistaken this ruminating and disillusioned dilettante for an 
idealist. But he no more answers to the Elizabethan ideal than he 
does to ours. He is amazingly callous in shedding blood. He is brutal 
to Ophelia and to his mother, while his erotic fancies and his irrespon/- 
sibility are familiar symptoms of melancholy. When he finds the king 
at his prayers, he does not spare him out of horror of violence but 
because of the Italian belief (incidentally illustrated in The Unfortunate 
Traveller) that a ,man must be caught and killed in sin before he can 
be made to taste of the full bitterness of death. He is by no means one 
of those gentle timid souls, absorbed in questions of world-importance. 
He has moments of feverish activity, for he is no coward and like all 
weak men is subject to excitability. But he is none the less the typical 
melancholic, and, while Laertes plunges into action with all the resolution 
of an epic figure, Hamlet, like any other vacillating character, takes 
refuge in irony and sarcasm. His censorious attitude has quite wrongly 

Reviews 83 

directed critics such as Ttirck, Wolff and Kuno Fischer to the theoretical 
side of his self-expression. Hamlet then is a portrait of Elizabethan 
melancholy and though full of perplexities and inconsistencies for the 
nineteenth century reader, would at once be recognised and under- 
stood by the contemporaries of Shakespeare. It remains to see how far 
this pathological case is adapted to a story which descends from the 
Dark Ages. Here again the modern critic becomes almost a melan- 
cholic himself in his endeavour to reconcile what Shakespeare left 
irreconcileable. In the original story, the murder was perpetrated 
openly while Amlothe, Amleth or Hamlet was still a child and as the 
usurper was prepared for reprisals, the heir had to use cunning. So 
Shakespeare's Hamlet has to do the same, and more or less in the same 
manner, though his antic disposition, under the altered circumstances, 
increases rather than allays suspicion. In an earlier piece, a crazy girl 
finds traces of murder, while wandering through a wood, so apparently 
for this reason Ophelia was driven mad. She serves no other purpose 
except to facilitate the eaves-dropping scene and to occasion Hamlet's 
displays of irritability. The character of the usurper king is equally 
ill-adapted. In the first court scene he appears as an able, forbearing, 
tactful and generous ruler and stepfather. As the story progresses he 
shows the tenderest love for his wife, sympathy for Ophelia and courage 
and calmness in the rebellion led by Laertes. Yet both Hamlet and his 
murdered father describe him as an unnatural and sensual murderer, 
and then, in opposition to both these aspects, Hamlet's play moves him 
so much that he makes a full confession in his prayer. Whether Claudius 
is a criminal debauchee or a courteous man of action, or both, this act 
of conscience-stricken self-condemnation is inconsistent with his cha- 
racter. Commentators have endeavoured to justify this psychological 
discrepancy without realising that no justification was possible or neces- 
sary. Self-revelation was a canon of the primitive theatre and this scene 
(ill, 3) is inserted out of deference to that tradition. 

So far we have discussed the inconsistencies and discrepancies which 
arise when Shakespeare adheres too closely to his model. Other dif- 
ficulties arise on the few occasions when he unexpectedly abandons it, 
as in Lear. He adopts his predecessors' starting point and represents 
a king making the division of his kingdom depend on his daughters' 
bombastic expressions of love. Critics such as Vischer and Bradley are 
mistaken in trying to find an explanation of Lear's amazing conduct. 
Shakespeare accepted the situation with all its impossibilities and then 
reconstructed the sequel so as to make it suit and expiate, so strange a 
beginning. If Lear's attitude to Cordelia was to be in the least convincing, 
he must be represented as irrational and abnormal. Now the spectacle 
of an old man sinking into idiocy had already become popular in the 
character of Titus Andronicus and Kyd's Hieronimo had supplied the 
model of a headstrong old man who is wounded by destiny in his 
tenderest susceptibilities but continues to fight against the inevitable 
till he goes mad. Shakespeare found that both these theatrical successes 
would serve as models for his purpose, so he made Lear a man of 


84 Reviews 

impulsive anger and of almost insane intolerance. Thus his sudden 
vindictiveness against the child of his heart becomes at any rate 
intelligible, and throughout the play, Shakespeare sustains and develops 
these attributes. And yet the dramatist does not intend his character 
to lose the sympathy of the spectators. The whole play emphasises the 
three-fold outrage against age, royalty and paternity and none of the 
old man's faithful followers make any reproach against his passion. His 
very defects are the inverse of his qualities. So once again commentators 
are perplexed by these two apparently contradictory aspects of his cha- 
racter and search below the surface for some occult explanation. Dowden 
and Bradley go so far as to represent the play as a transition from 
arrogance and blindness to sympathy and fellow-feeling, through suffering. 
The real solution will be found in Shakespeare's desire to create the kind 
of man who might well have committed the acts of public and private 
folly represented in the opening situation. So he made him the shadow 
of a great king, for whom the spectators cannot entirely lose all respect, 
but one bordering on insanity, through age and temperament. Then the 
dramatist drags him through one calamity after another till his reason 
entirely breaks down and he becomes a doting imbecile. Had Lear's 
intellect been sufficiently strong to withstand all the shocks that he 
endures, his conduct towards Cordelia would have remained inexplicable. 
The play is a drama, not of spiritual rebirth, but of decay and collapse 
beginning with the disinheriting of his favourite daughter and ending* 
in the heart-rending inanities which he gabbles over her corpse. 

Thus in Lear the character and the plot correspond, but, it will be 
noticed, only so far as the character originates in the plot and continues 
to depend on it. In many cases Shakespeare seems to think more of 
preserving the plot than of making the characters behave convincingly. 
At any rate, when a discrepancy arises, as in Much Ado, All's Well, and 
Measure for Measure, the characters are more often at fault than is the 
story. This is particularly true when the action is derived from more 
than one source, as in the case of the sub-plot in Lear. There is nothing 
impossible, or even improbable in a bastard ousting the legitimate son 
from the affections of his father, but both Rumelin and Tolstoi have 
pointed out how unconvincing Edmund's accusations are and with what 
incredible stupidity Edgar contributes towards confirming these sus- 
picions. Here again unnecessary attempts have been made to justify 
such makeshifts. The real explanation will probably be found in the 
discovery that these scenes, however unpsychological, are eminently 
' actable.' And if they are not also consistent and true to life, it must 
be remembered that Shakespeare sometimes nods. 

Sometimes Shakespeare makes his characters act with what looks 
like an insufficiency of motive, sometimes he explains and develops their 
motives and thereby raises more controversy. Yet he is not obscure. 
He is, if anything, over-explicit. But he employs the monologue to 
expound his character's thoughts and the commentator, accustomed to 
the dialogue of modern plays, will not believe that these figures are 
speaking the truth about themselves. For instance Kreyssig, Gervinus, 

Reviews 85 

Ulrici, Brandes and Bradley all insist that lago's alleged motives are 
not genuine and look for others. Yet the Ancient makes it clear that 
he really suspected Othello of adultery with Emilia and keenly resented 
the promotion of Cassio over his head. Another striking example of the 
primitive use of the monologue will be found in Prince Harry's speech 
at the beginning of Henry IV Pt I. All attempts by Kreyssig, Brandes 
and Wolff to harmonise this speech with the Prince's character are 
inadmissible. It is an exposition, statement or description of the situa- 
tion, giving a loyal colour to the events. Similarly the rather hypocritical 
exhortation to prayer addressed to Falstaff by the same character at the 
end of Pt II is another commentary, exalting the position of a king, and 
not a speech in which some subtle state of mind is implied. 

What is true of the monologues, is true in a greater degree of the 
asides ; they are finger-posts to indicate in what direction the characters 
are moving. They are rot utterances inspired by some complex mentality 
at which the commentator must guess. In fact all that school of criticism 
is mistaken, which maintains that Shakespeare was unable to present 
his picture objectively and which concludes that any passage needs 
expansion and point. In some plays, such as Henry VIII, it must be 
confessed that his work seems incomplete and disconnected, and it 
cannot be denied that the climax of Antony and Cleopatra, the flight 
of the Egyptian queen, is left unexplained. But in the case of nearly 
every other disputed point, as for instance Hamlet's madness or Lady 
Macbeth's swoon (li, 2), the causes or motives are not given only because 
they are obvious. An excellent example will be found in the Taming of 
the Shrew. Shakespeare gives no clue as to how a ruffian like Petruchio 
really domesticated a spiteful and malignant woman so quickly and 
thoroughly. The explanation is simply that there is no explanation; 
Shakespeare was merely telling an old tale in the newest and most 
surprising way. Katherine was probably copied from one of the ' roaring 
boys ' and Petruchio from any soldier of fortune. Yet in spite of the 
simplicity and directness of the piece, no play has been so refined and 
intellectualised by commentators such as Schomburg, Sievers and Ulrici. 

Are there then no other difficulties than those created by the in- 
curable modernity of commentators ? Yes, there are some, due to the 
dramatist's way of writing. Notwithstanding all arguments to the con- 
trary, Shakespeare's work is stamped with the mark of impetuosity and 
impulse ; his development as a poet is uncertain, and, despite enormous 
progress, he is liable to amazing lapses. We have the lack of concentra- 
tion in Antony and Cleopatra, side by side with the studied form of 
Othello, the accurate local colour of Romeo and Juliet and the absence 
of it in other plays. He gives lago too many motives and Macbeth 
too few. To explain these lapses as a device to bring certain points 
into relief is to confuse the method of Shakespeare with that of Lenbach 
and of Rodin. The most 'likely solution will be found in the personality 
of the poet himself. Shakespeare had the gift of assimilating himself to 
exceptional and extraordinary natures. He seems to have infused him- 
self into all the ramifications of their complex or eccentric temperaments, 

86 Reviews 

so that he did not analyse their qualities but felt them as a whole. Thus 
he puts into their mouths utterances which exactly correspond to the 
particular combination of emotions, and which give the effect of the 
speaker's personality but which lose their significance if they are 
botanised and traced back to their psychological sources ; much as the 
different strings of a musical instrument must all sound in unison if 
they are to produce a chord. While composing, he probably lived so 
intensely in his characters, and identified himself so completely with 
their thoughts and feelings, that he sometimes lost the power of looking 
at them from outside. As he himself understood their antecedents, he 
forgot that the spectator did not, and so he sometimes passed over necessary 
information without which the situation cannot be fully appreciated. 
Moreover, he seems to have been endowed with an almost praeter- 
natural rapidity of thought. We find in his style an unparalleled com- 
pression of ideas, rich in images and metaphors. And just as in this 
mental shorthand he now and then skips a thought, so in the construe-" 
tion of his plot, his mind overleaps some episode which he had imagined 
or found in his source-book, and hurries us on to the climax, unconscious 
that he had omitted some preliminary. Thus gaps and obscurities arise 
in his work, but as they are not intentional, the most obvious explanation 
is generally the best. When that is not forthcoming, the commentator 
must search for the lost key among the manners and ideas of the age 
or in the history of the theatre. Above all he must keep in view the 
exigencies of the Elizabethan stage and the taste of the audiences. It 
is a task for specialists, not for the unprofessional speculator however 
ingenious. Amateurs have worshipped Shakespeare as a god, but like 
all votaries, they have made him a god after their own image. They 
have read into his pages the thoughts which seemed to them the 
most beautiful or the most affecting, until they have made this great 
Elizabethan genius as highly sensitised as a twentieth-century intel- 

Such is Prof. Schticking's solution of the mysteries of Shakespeare's 
psychology. The book is full of unostentatious learning and its pages 
are enlivened with some almost Heinesque touches of humour arid 
sarcasm. At the same time its arrangement is a trifle confusing and its 
suggestive theories are propounded in that awkward scholastic style 
which, alas ! we have come to expect from academic experts in general, 
and from German professors in particular. The present reviewer has in 
a few instances altered the sequence of ideas and has in nearly every 
instance abandoned the professor's phrasing, in order to allow for con- 
densation. In spite of these precautions, the bare analysis of the book, 
though far from complete, has exceeded the space available for reviews. 
But in any case it was more desirable to expound than to discuss Prof. 
Schiicking's views. Most scholars will probably be prepared to accept 
his principle and point of view. In fact some of his propositions have 
already been enunciated in Dr J. E. Schmidt's Shakespeares Dratnen 
und sein Schauspielerberuf, while readers of J. M. Robertson's and 
E. E. Stoll's treatises on Hamlet will be struck by some surprising 

Reviews 87 

similarities, though all three books appeared in 1919. At the same 
time, the book raises innumerable points of controversy. A scholar who 
propounds a theory is almost bound to over-emphasise certain aspects of 
his material. It is doubtful, for instance, whether the professor's estimate 
of Lear, Macbeth, Ophelia or Claudius will be accepted as final, while 
on the subject of Hamlet no two people can be expected to agree. He 
leaves many difficulties unsolved, such as the real significance of the 
jesters and of characters like Pandarus and Enobarbus. Above all, his 
low estimate of the theatre-going public will not meet with universal 
acceptance. However, the full discussion of any one of these questions 
would have taken up most of the allotted space, and the first duty of a 
reviewer is to give a fair hearing to his author. This is all the more 
desirable as mathematical certainty is unobtainable in literary matters, 
and the chief merit of a work of criticism or research is to make its 
readers think. As such, Die Characterprobleme bei Shakespeare is 
indispensable to any scholar and it is good to hear that an English 
version will shortly be forthcoming. 


A History of Modern Colloquial English. By HENRY CECIL WYLD. 
London: T. Fisher Unwin. 1920. 8vo. viii + 398pp. 

England, the birth-place of many great grammarians, has never yet 
taken any deep interest in her own linguistic studies. With the exception 
of Etymology, brought by Skeat, Bradley, Murray, and Craigie within 
the range of the general reader, the scientific study of our own tongue 
has hitherto been widely regarded as the harmless amusement of 
foreigners, whose learned monographs do not call for serious attention 
on the part of good patriots. 

But what Skeat and his colleagues did for Etymology, has at last 
been done for Historical Grammar, which can now make its appeal to 
all circles orthe learned, and to wider circles still. 

Professor Wyld stands among the great authorities on his subject. 
His researches carry weight among specialists, and incidentally he is the 
author of the first English text-book to deal as adequately with Modern 
as with Medieval English. 

With his History of Modern Colloquial English he n^w points out to 
the philologist the rightful position of the living language, and to the 
historian of literature the close connexion between the history of gram- 
mar and the history of thought and of manners. 

The book before us is no mere text-book. It does not claim to set 
forth all that the student requires to know for the purpose of any exami- 
nation, nor does it aim at being an encyclopaedia of its subject. On the 
other hand, it is a good deal more than chips from an English workshop : 
yet chips there are, as well as finished craftsmanship, enough to set many 

88 Reviews 

a humble brother working hopefully under the inspiration of the crafts- 
master. Underlying the apparent looseness of the plan may be discerned 
a two-fold definite purpose. The author will teach in the first place that 
grammar is human as well as humane and humanistic, and in the second 
place that it is worth studying for oneself in the sources and apart from 
teachers and text-books. 

Professor Wyld has solved the problem of presenting a difficult sub- 
ject in a pleasant form. He demands only one hard task from his reader, 
the acquisition of a knowledge of certain elementary phonetic principles ; 
but as he sets these forth in the space of two pages and a quarter, and 
in a form comprehensible to every schoolboy, it may be assumed that 
they will not be entirely beyond the grasp of the cultured. 

To come now to some details : 

Chap. 1 maps out the field. The significance of the interaction of 
' received ' and ' modified standard ' and regional and class dialect is now 
made clear by Professor Wyld, and his view of class dialect and the 
influence of social changes upon it, must find general acceptance. This 
chapter contains most valuable hints to investigators of dialect. 

Chap. 2, expository of the Middle English dialect types, is mainly for 
professed students of language. From the three or four hundred lines of 
well selected and carefully annotated extracts here given, the student 
will learn more about this period of the language than from four hundred 
pages of M.E. Readers. It may be hoped that p. 55 will be read by all 
compilers of text-books on literature, and that the invention of Modern 
English will cease to be credited to Chaucer. 

Chap. 3 deals with fifteenth century English, and ( the passing of 
regional dialect in written English.' One remarks that the author, while 
in agreement to a great extent with Zachrisson and Dibelius, lays special 
stress on the evidence for class dialect. Very interesting is the cumu- 
lative evidence of ' bad spellings ' set forth in the survey of literary 
English and London English. The author's estimate of Caxton also 
demands attention. 

Chap. 4 shews us Standard English reaching maturity in the Tudor 
period, with the gradual disappearance of regional dialect from the 
language of persons who came under the influence of Court speech. 
Professor Wyld points out how the latitude of the standard speech of 
the Court, ' the highest type of colloquial English/ was reflected in the 
literary language of the day, which was far more closely related to the 
spoken language than it is at present. He draws attention to the intimate 
connexion between Court circles and the highest forms of literary activity, 
and he notes the birth of the idea of ' correct ' pronunciation. A thirty- 
page survey of the linguistic forms found in the writings of typical Tudor 
personages, among them Lord Berners, Ascham, Lyly, the London citizen 
Machyn, and Queen Elizabeth, enables the reader to follow the author's 
reasoning step by step. 

By the bye, the Queen's i for M.E. long tense e is complicated by 
her spelling plisd for pleased. But if her long i was already a diphthong 
(slack i or tense e + tense i), the confusion might be explained. I have 

Reviews 89 

noted indyde in Anne Boleyn's letters, and Shine (Sheen), Quines, and 
kiping in the correspondence of John Fowler. 

Since the publication of Van Dam and Stoffel's Chapters on English 
Printing, scholars have fought somewhat shy of the evidence of printed 
literature ; but Professor Wyld's accurate weighing of the matter estab- 
lishes his opinion ' that we are justified in regarding the outstanding 
linguistic features in printed literature of this period as really reflecting 
the individualities of the authors, and not of the printers.' 

Chap. 5, from Spenser to Swift, besides developing the preceding line 
of argument, is a valuable contribution to the history of prose style. 
Proofs are adduced from private documents, which now first reveal their 
linguistic secrets. Very interesting is the ascription to the middle classes 
of the reaction against slipshod style and pronunciation. 

Professor Wyld is perhaps a little severe on the grammarian Butler. 
The latter surely means : where all decent folk use the new sound, reform 
the spelling ; where some decent folk pronounce according to the tra- 
ditional spelling, let the rest do the same. It is no concern of Butler's 
whether the reformed pronunciations are 'natural developments' or 
' spelling-pronunciations.' Professor Wyld's own view of two seventeenth 
century types from M.E. long slack e would seem to justify Butler's 
reformed pronunciation of ear ; and Horn's theory of a two-fold develop- 
ment of M.E. long tense e before r justifies Butler's hear and dear. 

Chap. 6 is a masterly discussion of the stressed vowels in New English. 
The chronology of changes is now known to be less simple than the 
pioneers Ellis and Sweet supposed. Professor Wyld, while warning us 
of the uncertainty of definite dates, by his relative chronology has thrown 
strong light on a dark corner ; and his notes on shortenings are lamps 
to guide the philologist. Clear exposition and sound reasoning are every- 
where united with open-mindedness. A little thing like the note on 
Foynes exemplifies the breadth of his knowledge. 

In the next edition may we hope to have further information on 
short u, the two long o's before r, and the development of M.E. -aught and 
-ought ? In support of the diphthongal nature of O.F. u on English soil 
one would like to refer to the frequency of M.E. rhymes such as auenture 
bour etc. Can there not have been a centuries-old interaction of Con- 
tinental and Anglo-French pronunciation ? In defence of Bellot, I have 
noted up(p)en fairly frequently through M.E., from the Twelfth Century 
Homilies down to the Norfolk Guilds, and would venture the suggestion 
that the stress was still variable in his day. 

Chap. 7, on unstressed vowels, and Chap. 8 on consonant changes, are 
pioneer work. Professor Wyld has gleaned material from the careless 
spellings of the 'best' people. He shews how social changes brought 
about the ultimate triumph of the pedagogue over the aristocrat. I am 
not yet convinced that morning, with admittedly lost r, has a vowel- 
sound identical with that in dawning. 

Chap. 9 presents inflexions, not as dull paradigms, but in the form of 
six centuries of living speech. The author never loses sight of his main 
theme, the development of modern English. 

90 Revieivs 

Chap. 10, on Colloquial Idiom, indicates new lines of research, and 
at the same time will prove of special interest to the student of literature. 

It is not unfair to sum up the History of Modern Colloquial English 
with the word ' epoch-making.' 



EDOUARD BONNAFF#. LAnglicisme et Vancflo-americanisme dans la 
langue francaise. Dictionnaire etymologiqve et historique des angli- 
cismes. Paris, Delagrave. 1920. 8vo. xxiii+193pp. 13 fr. 

M. Bonnaffe's book contains (i) a short preface by Professor Brunot, 
pp. v-vi, (ii) an introduction in which M. Bonnaffe attempts an historical 
account and a succinct appreciation of anglicism in French, pp. vii-xxiii, 
then immediately after (iii) the dictionary pp. 1-186, (iv) a valuable 
bibliographical index, pp. 187-193, which includes, in addition to 
numerous works of all kinds, a list of as many as 155 journals arid 

The Dictionary is a record of English loan-words in modern French 
by a scholar who is clearly well-acquainted with both French and English 
and who has been, as we are told by Professor Brunot, gathering together 
materials for this work for the last thirty years. It contains some 1100 
words and their derivatives, say 1400 words in all. The articles are 
admirably drawn up : the grammatical nature and meaning of each word 
is briefly indicated ; a note is added on the English etymology, and, where 
possible, the earliest English date is given (e.g. punch, 1 632). M. Bonnatfe 
has added very much to the value of his book by giving, for each word, a 
set of well-chosen examples of their French use, comprising the oldest 
example known to him, and then others at intervals taken from illustrious 
authors or from technical works. When the word appears in French at 
an earlier period but in a different form, he has inserted a historical 
paragraph containing dated instances of the use of such earlier forms. 

M. Bonnaffe says that he has found it a difficult and delicate task to 
trace the proper limits within which it is possible to admit that a parti- 
cular English word is a loan-word in French. He has, in any case, rejected 
all words the English origin of which he considers doubtful : he quotes as 
examples choc (oper&toire),flibustier, pneumatique (bandage), sensationnel 
and vaseline. He has also rejected such anglicisms as appear to him 
obsolete and he gives as instances : carrick (light carriage), chair (in 
railway terminology), mra(ship), rouque,stage-coach, storm-glass, usquebac, 
watchman, iviski (light carriage). For various reasons, I regret the omis- 
sion of the latter group, but in any case it should be understood that 
M. Bonnaffe's dictionary is an attempt to catalogue the anglicisms most 
in use in French of the present day. Before admitting a word into his 
list, he insists on three conditions being fulfilled : it must be used not 
only in speech, but in writing ; it must be used by well-known writers 
or at least in works of real authority on the subject to which it refers ; 
it must be used continuously if only by a certain set of persons, technical 

Reviews 91 

specialists, sportsmen and so forth. It is clear that these restrictions are 
of a conventional character, but they are admittedly of practical value. 
It appears to me that, if we press the matter to its logical conclusion, an 
English word used in a French setting, is a loan-word. The moment we 
say or write le boy or la girl we are introducing a loan-word from English 
into French. It may not be destined to live, as we say; it may not come 
into anything like common use ; it is none the less a loan-word. And 
surely any number of words accepted by M. Bonnaffe : bag-pipe or bread- 
pudding, fox-terrier or stuffing -box, tough cake or water-jacket have come 
into French in that way ? And there can be little doubt that the. same 
thing is true of loan-words in all languages. Such words may not retain 
their English form ; they may be variously modified : rosbif, ramberge ; 
or be translated : armee du salut, bas-bleu. And it should be kept in mind 
that, as French and English have a large common vocabulary of Latin 
and Greek origin, a word already existing in French at a given moment 
may, as we say, acquire a new meaning derived from English sources; as 
a matter of fact, we then have two words of similar form (e.g. imperialiste, 
lecture, plate-forme) but which differ by their date of introduction into 
the language, by their etymology historically considered and by their 
meaning; and the, as a general rule, later word is a loan-word from 

The first crucial date in the history of anglicism in French is that of 
the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, 1685. When we consider the 
geographical position of France and England, the number of the loan- 
words before 1685 is curiously small. If we consider the very conservative 
list of 231 modern French words of English source given by the Diction- 
naire General we shall find it includes some 24 which go back to medieval 
times. The Diet. Gen. itself marks five of them as doubtful : flet, fletan, 
flette, hocher, tille. M. Bonnaffe not only rejects these five words, but also, 
and I think- rightly, etambrai, gabet, gibelet, lai, lingot, lingue and paquet. 
Of the sixteen M. Bonnaffe still considers as certainly borrowed from 
English, there are seven which are, to say the least, doubtful : accore, 
ecorer, falot, hadot, hanebane, heler, mauve. There remain five : ale, 
aubin, carisel (creseau), dogue, esterlin. 

The sixteenth century is a particularly barren period. M. Bonnaffe 
says : ' Au xvi e siecle la vogue est a 1'italianisme, aussi ne prenons-nous 
a 1'Angleterre que quelques rares expressions : dogue, ecore " 6tai," falot 
" cocasse," heler, mauve, ramberge, shilling.' But nearly all these words 
are older. Of dogue M. Bonnaffe himself quotes instances of 1480 and 
1406 and it occurs in the fourteenth century in Froissart &! France dogue 
'French dog ' He quotes both ecore and ecorer from 1382 and ecore by 
its phonetic form is as old as the twelfth century. He gives falot in 1466 
from Henri Baude and its English origin is in any case uncertain : cf. 
L. Sainean, Revue des etudes rabelaisiennes, vi, 292. He gives heler in 
1391 and the word is no doubt much older like many sea- words for 
which we have few early texts. Mauve he quotes from 1555 like the 
Diet. Gen.: but it is already before 1135 in Philippe de Thaon's Bestiaire, 
1. 2146, where Professor Walberg's reading mave should be corrected to 

92 Reviews 

maue. There remains ramberge which he quotes from 1550; the form 
roberge is already in 1549 in a letter of Henry II: 'La construction et 
equipaige d'une vingtaine de roberges,' cf. Kemna, Der Begriff 'Schiff' 
im Franzosischen, Marburg, 1902, p. 168. 

It is in texts on England that the earliest loan-words occur. 
M. Bonnaffe has found fardin, peni, chelin, lord in Estienne Perlin's 
Description des royaumes d'Angleterre et d'Escosse (1558). So gaelique, 
greyhound, mastiff, master are in Andre Duchesne's Hist, generate 
d'Angleterre, d'Irlande et d'Escosse (1614). Of the seventeenth century 
M. Bonnaffe says: 'II faut arriver au xvii e siecle, ou s'etablit la puissance 
navale du royaurne de Grande Bretagne, definitivement constitute, pour 
constater un apport sensible d'anglicismes dont une forte proportion, 
d'ailleurs, se r6fere aux choses de la marine.' And thereupon he gives us a 
list of 41 words which I should classify in three groups. 

I. A certain number of miscellaneous words : contredanse (from 
1626); mohair, moire (from 1639), on the history of which M. Bonnaffe 
has made a valuable contribution; bigle, gigue (from 1650); flanelle, 
worsted (from 1656) : under worsted, M. Bonnaffe might have added a 
historical paragraph on the O. Fr. ostade, ostadine, which have been 
elucidated by Professor Antoine Thomas; boulingrin, quoted from 1680 
but already in 1663 under the form poulingrin in Loret's Muze historique 
(June 30), cf. first example of E. bowling-green in N. E. D. from Evelyn's 
Diary, ad ann. 1646. 

II. The sea- words. These are all doubtful. Accore, accorer, ecore, 
etroper (estroper) are twelfth-century words. The claims of the Germanic 
dialects of the Netherlands have to be considered in the case of all the 
others and of many omitted by M. Bonnaffe probably because he sus- 
pected their Dutch or Flemish origin. 

III. The political, administrative, and religious terms of which a few 
are found in isolated texts before 1685 but which are more and more 
numerous from that date. 

With this last class as well as with anglicisms of all kinds which 
appear in French writings of the eighteenth century, I hope to deal in 
an article to appear later in this review. Here, I shall do no more than 
express surprise that M. Bonnaffe, in his historical account of anglicism 
in French, has omitted all reference to the Revocation of the Edict of 
Nantes. As I have already said, it is the crucial date. The starting- 
point for the history of anglicism in French in the eighteenth century is 
to be found in the work of the refugees. In my forthcoming article, I 
hope to show that M. Bonnaffe has omitted to note in his Dictionary a 
considerable number of political and parliamentary, of religious and 
historical terms derived from English and appearing for the first time 
in French texts of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries ; 
that some commercial and colonial terms first to be noted in French at that 
time should be added to his list ; and that the influence of English on 
the French scientific and philosophical vocabulary and on that of abstract 
ideas in general is by him underestimated. It is further my own view 
that in the eighteenth century and particularly in the second half of it, 

Reviews 93 

many French writers took over from English, without any special 
acknowledgement, various words of Latin origin ; and only a careful 
examination of the sources of French eighteenth century neologism can 
confirm the correctness of this opinion. It is certain that owing to the 
conservative attitude towards neologism that held sway among French 
writers of the late seventeenth century, a large number of words of Latin 
origin are attested in their English form before they appear in a French 
one. When we have a French dictionary offering the same abundance of 
probatory texts as in the N. E. D., some more definite conclusions on this 
subject will be possible. 

But if French borrows many words from English in the eighteenth 
century, in the nineteenth, as M. BonnafTe puts it, 'c'est Tenvahissement/ 
I imagine that, in the history of anglicism in French, the second crucial 
date is 1814-5. English influence in the eighteenth century comes in 
great waves, every time (1713, 1748, 1763) there is peace between the 
two countries. From 1815 it is continuous. 

I incline to think that M. BonnafTe, in spite of all the trouble he has 
taken, has not succeeded in giving a full presentation of English influence 
on the French vocabulary. No doubt he has included in his book a very 
fair proportion of what may be called evident anglicisms ; I say evident 
because I have in mind those which retain a purely English form, 
pedigree and settler, knock-out and dead-heat. Such words are what 
Edmondo de Amicis used to call europeismi', or. rather they might almost 
be called world-words for they belong to a really international vocabulary. 
A glance at such a work as Alfredo Panzini's Dizionario Moderno (2nd 
ed., 1908) will show that a very large proportion of them occur in Italian. 
But it is among the words of which the English origin is less evident that 
I perceive the gravest lacunae. Of such words M. BonnafTe has mentioned 
a few : special meanings of attraction and selection, payer ' rapporter un 
be'nefice,' realiser ' comprendre/ suggestif, telescoper. But the omissions 
are numerous. Even among the sporting terms, those very words which 
have become most French champion, condition, favori, forme etc. are 
left out. Nothing is said of such political terms as liberal (-isme) 
and radical {-isme), or of such words as pauperisms and co-education, 
agnostique, utilitaire and international. 

But before closing this review I should like to call attention to a few 
curious instances of words, none of which are noted by M. BonnafTe, but 
which either are certainly taken from English or in one way or another 
may show English influence : 

(1) salutiste from salut in armee du salut, translated f*>m the English 
Salvation army. 

(2) landau. The Diet. Gen. derives this word from the town of 
Landau. It really comes into French from English : the N. E. D. quotes 
lando in the year of the battle of Dettingen (1743). It came into Fr. 
after 1815, cf.: 

1820 [Defauconpret], Londres en 1819 ; ' Enfin, quelqu'une de 
ces voitures dont les noms sont inconnus en France : un tandem, un 
tilbury, une barouche, un landau....' 

94 Reviews 

1823 Arcieu, Diorama de Londres, *p. 137 : ' On voit souvent 
passer dans Hyde Park un landau attele de six superbes chevaux....' 

1832 Raymond, Diet. Gen.: ' landaulet, s. m. petit landau. Sorte 
de jolie voiture anglaise qui a la forme d'un landau.' 

(3) deboiser, deboisement. See the Revue de Philologie frangaise, 
xxvi, 95-6, for the texts quoted by Professor Baldensperger which seem 
to prove that the words were first used by Volney in 1803 to express the 
English to clear and clearing in speaking of the North American forests. 

(4) brise-lames. This word was accepted by the Academie in 1878. 
Mr Charles Moore in a Dissertation for the M.A. degree of Leeds Univer- 
sity has suggested that it is a translation of the E. break-water with the 
following texts in support of his view: 

1818 Charles Dupin, Mem 8 sur la marine et les ponts et chaus- 
sees de Fr. et d'Angl., p. 241 : ' Elles presentent de fortes asperites 
qui forment veritablement un brise-lame ou break- water/ p. 250 : 
1 Lorsque des navires arrivent aupres du break-water, ils fixent leurs 
cables sur des bouees alignees parallelement.' 

1819 J. Dutens, Memoires sur les travaux publics de I'Angleterre, 
In trod., p. xiii: 'Une traduction de 1'article de 1'encyclopedie 
d'Edimbourg concernant 1'histori^ue du breakwater de Plymouth,' 
p. 195: 'des travaux qui s'executent pour la fondation de lajetee 
(breakwater) de Plymouth,' p. 208 : ' le brise-lame (breakwater) de 

1820 J. M. F. Cachin, Mem sur la digue de Cherbourg comparee 
au breakwater oujetee de Plymouth, Paris in 4to. (Title). 

(5) homme a femmes. It would be interesting to know how far back 
this expression goes. In any case compare the following : 

1836 Balzac, La Vieille Fille, ed. Calmann-Xievy, p. 4 : ' Chez le 
coquet chevalier, tout revelait les mceurs de 1'homme a femmes 
(ladies' man).' 

M. Bonnaffe's book is one that must appeal to all those who have an 
interest in the relations between France and England. I have already 
said that it is excellently arranged ; I may add that it is the first serious 
attempt to deal with the whole question of anglicism in French. The 
length of my review will, I hope, prove my own appreciation of M. 
BonnafFe's labours. 


LUIGI FOSCOLO BENEDETTO. Le Origini di ' Salammbo ' : Studio sul 
realismo storico di G. Flaubert (Pubblicazioni del R. Istituto di 
Studi superior! in Firenze: Sezione di Filologia, N. S., Vol. i), 
Florence : R. Bemporad. 1920. 8vo. xi + 351pp. L. 25. 

Flaubert and Maupassant: A Literary Relationship. By AGNES RUTHER- 
FOBD RiDDELL. Chicago : Univ. of Chicago Press ; Cambridge : 
Univ. Press. 1920. 8vo. x + 120pp. 6s. 

After the lean years of the war it is a pleasure to welcome Luigi 
Benedetto's portly volume, with its critical and leisurely survey of autho- 

Reviews 95 

rities, excerpts from Greek and Latin historians, constant references to 
the French critics and to numerous American and German Dissertations, 
an imposing array of footnotes and an exhaustive Index the whole 
focussed on a single book, Flaubert's Salammbo. And, what is more 
cheering still, the book comes out triumphant from the test. 

The very considerable labours of the researcher, his familiarity with 
what is now known of the history and topography of Carthage and his 
minute and fruitful study of his author's other works, particularly the 
voluminous Correspondence, result in a reasoned vindication of Flaubert 
as historian and artist. Flaubert's ingenious hypotheses are proved to 
remain substantially correct, and his many critics, Sainte-Beuve among 
them, are refuted with chapter and verse. His shortcomings reduce 
themselves on close inspection to ignorance of materials inaccessible in 
1862, to misunderstanding, or rather neglect, of the Carthaginian Con- 
stitution and to indulgence of his inveterate habit of making things 
seem worse than they are, or could ever have been. ,But it is clearly 
shown that many a gruesome detail in the sombre story of Carthage 
the habits of the ' mangeurs de choses immondes,' for example, or the 
precise manner in which dogs devour carrion men was not invented 
by Flaubert to ' annoy the bourgeois/ but observed in the course of his 
travels in the Levant and set in his note-book among other 'things 
seen,' which legitimately enough he considered typical of the unchanging 
East and therefore utilized afterwards in Salammbo. The material in 
which the artist worked was that supplied by the historian and the 
traveller. Nothing illustrates better the remarkable unity of Flaubert's 
literary life than the success with which the author of this elaborate 
study of sources traces the germs of Salammbd in the earlier, even in 
the juvenile, work of Flaubert and shows how ideas, half-developed in 
Salammbo, came to fruition later on. Benedetto's book, embodying 
the results obtained by many workers and those of his own research, set 
forth in an agreeable and flowing style, definitively ' places ' one master- 
piece of French literature in its period. 

The general character of the literary relationship between Flaubert 
and Maupassant, his protege, is already well known, but Miss Riddell's 
detailed and methodical Dissertation, fortified by an excellent biblio- 
graphy, adds precision to our knowledge. Unfortunately her zeal some- 
times outruns her evidence. Thus we are told (p. 39 and again on p. 85) 
that both writers often speak of the ' heavy heat ' of summer. ' Une 
lourde chaleur ' is ' sultry heat,' and surely two people can use the 
common phrase without suspicion of poaching on each other's preserves. 
But she adduces many striking similarities both in content and in form, 
and fully demonstrates why Maupassant came to absorb so thoroughly 
the essentials of Flaubert's thought and expression that he often repro- 
duced them unconsciously. In most cases, however, the kind of influence 
which she traces in the pupil is suggestive rather than imitative, a whole 
train of likenesses in Maupassant being started sometimes by a single 
suggestion in Flaubert. 



96 Reviews 

Parts of the Body in the Later Germanic Dialects (Linguistic Studies in 
Germanic, V). By WILLIAM DENNY BASKETT. Chicago : Uriiv. of 
Chicago Press ; Cambridge : Univ. Press. 1920. 4 to. xii + 139 pp. 

Criticism of this work is rendered rather difficult by the severe 
restrictions which its author has imposed upon himself in order not 
to trespass upon the ground covered by T. W. Arnoldson's Parts of the 
Body in Older Germanic and Scandinavian (no. II of the same series). 
The object of the investigation is, in the words of the preface, 'to show how 
these words came to have their present meaning, rather than to show their 
original meaning/ A catalogue more or less raisonne is supplied of the 
multitudinous terms employed by Modern Germanic (or rather West 
Germanic) dialects, the grouping being on a semantic basis. It is obvious 
that such a classification must have necessitated genetic investigations 
as well, and in certain cases, it is hard to withhold a regret that the author 
did not set the implied historical data clearly before us. It is regrettable 
too that the author felt bound to keep his material practically water- 
tight from the North Germanic correspondences (apart from a few 
references to Arnoldson) in fact, a combination of the work of Arnoldson 
and of the present author under one single investigation might have 
yielded more fruitful results, for in studies of comparative lexicology it is 
surely desirable to make the field of reference as wide as possible. 

If the above limitations are accepted, criticism will naturally fasten 
upon details of method and observation lying within the set frame. The 
value of the work would, for instance, be much enhanced by the provision 
of alphabetical word .lists grouped by dialect. Apart from this omission, 
however, the presentment of the matter is clear and business-like, and 
cross reference is easy. Minor inconsistencies in the classification are the 
omission of separate sections 11 Snout and 12 Beak, referred to in the 
index on p. 137, from the body of the work where section 10 is followed by 
13. Moreover, search for Eardrum, ear lobe, eartubes referred in the 
index to 25 F, H and G respectively will be in vain. Only three of the 
fingers have sections devoted to them, the ' ring finger ' being absent. 
In the Bibliography on p. vii it would have been well to insert [West 
Frisian] in the mention of Dijkstra's dictionary, and most decidedly so 
to quote the full title of Schmidt Petersen's dictionary, which does not 
deal with North Frisian as a whole, but only with the dialects of Fohr 
and Am rum. 

The laborious task the author undertook in collecting words from such 
heterogeneous sources as those specified in the bibliography, has, on. the 
whole, been well accomplished. It would be absurd to expect exhaustion 
of these sources to the last drop. Therefore, no special credit is claimed 
for the following attempt to draw yet more material from one dialect 
group, the North Frisian, to supplement the present collection. Some 
of the Fohr expressions seem to have escaped the author, and two 
important dictionaries, that of Siebs on the Heligoland dialect and of 
Boy P. Moller of Sylt words, were probably inaccessible to him. The 
following addenda are given in accordance with the author's sections. 

Reviews 97 

Sec. 1 (Body) add Helg. kreng Rumpf (Fohr, Seehundkorper und 
Eingeweide ; Sylt, abgenutztes Tier) ; Fohr lell die zum Rumpf geho- 
renden Glieder, Leib. Sec. 2 J 2 (Head) Helg. pet, pot. Sec. 4 (Forehead) 
Fohr toop Stirn, Scheitel. 5 A 19 (Hair) Sylt duntji Haarbeutel ; 5 D 7 
Sylt tjost Haarbtischel ; after 5 R, Sylt tap Haarflechte. Sec. 6 (Face) 
Sylt flees Fratze. 7 C 1 (Mouth) Helg. flots ; 7 J '_4> Helg. snut, snut. 80 3 
(Lip) Sylfc flap, fleep herabhangende Unterlippe (cf. Fohr flabi die 
Unterlippe hangen lassen). 9L12 (Nose, etc.) Sylt snaater; add to 9 
Sylt truun Schwpinsriissel (cf. Dan. tryn and the French loan-word 
trogne face). 10 B 1 (Nostril) Sylt noosnoster. 14 (Double Chin, etc.) 
Sylt sjali (M6ller refers to M.H.G. kelch, O.H.G. leelh Kropf). 16 C 1 
Sylt gil, giljing and add to 16 Helg. klk Kiemen. 17 (Jaw) Sylt kjabi. 
18 (Gums) Helg. resen. 19 (Tooth) Sylt kuusi Backeozahn (cf. Fohr 
kees, kuus, Helg. kes). 21 (Palate) Helg. tsjap Gaumen des Fisches, 
Ober- und Unterkiefer zusammen, ben Gallerie; der menschliche 
Gaumen. 24 C 1 (Uvula) Helg, huk en hgk. 27 (Pupil) Sylt oogstiin and 
to 27 C 2 add H. G. Augenstern. 31 (Temple) Fohr tenning, tiartenning, 
Sylt tening. 36 (Mane) Sylt muaning. 37 (Skull) Fohr skrook Sylt haurs- 
krook (haur Haupt). 38 (Fontanelle) Sylt di munek (from association 
with monk's tonsure ?). 43 (Windpipe) Fohr strod, Sylt stroot (cf. 42 
A 7). 44 (Gullet) Fohr wlas. 45 A 4 (Shoulder) Fohr 'skooft, Sylt skoft 
(cf. English Dialect Dictionary s.v. shift). 55 (Forefinger) Fohr porri- 
fdngdr, Amrum skotfdngdr. 56 Helg. di meddld fiygdr. The Fohr and 
Sylt forms for ' ring finger ' are gulfdngdr and gulfinger. 60 A 6 (Claw) 
Sylt niip Schere des Hummers. 63 (Fin) Helg. flik ; Sylt limits fin to 
big seafish. fitting denotes fin of small fish. 67 (Limb) Fohr ness collect. 
70 (Calf) Fohr grdwst bian. 70 B 3 connection with Fohr lurrdg 
Oberschenkel ? or further back with Gaelic loirc deformed foot quoted 
by Falk and Torp from Liden in their Wortschatz der germanischen 
Spracheinheit (Gottingen, 1909), p. 571. 73 (Bend) Fohr bdcht i.e. 
bight. 74B11 (Foot) Fohr knuar Schweinsfiisse. 76 (Instep) Sylt 
futwrest to distinguish from hunwrest, 81 (Breast, etc.) Fohr spenn 
(cf. O.H.G. spunni, etc.), tetj, dart; there is also an English (West 
country) pue, udder of a cow or sheep, connected by the. English 
Dialect Dictionary with Welsh piw. 87 (Navel) Fohr nawdr. 90 Helg., 
Low German irigors', 90 A 8 Fohr ersbdl, Sylt iarsbeli', 90 A 55 Fohr 
totj Btirzel einer Ente. 94 (Loin) Sylt lunk. 101 (Crop) Sylt kras. 
102 (Gallbladder) Fohr goal a case of synecdoche. 104 (Stomach) Fohr 
womm Panse, Rindermagen; 104 F 1 add reference to Fohr rubbling 
Fischrogen, Kaviar. 105 (Omasum) Fohr Idpelspos. 108*(Pleura). No 
mention of H.G. Rippenfell. 113 (Intestines) Fohr luasdng Eingeweide 
und kleine Teile eines Schlachttieres ; 1 1 3B2 Sylt grum ; 113 El cf. Fohr 
ister Flomen, Schweinefett < Germ. *enfotran innermost, and Engl. 
inards. 115 E 1 (Viscera) cf. N.H.G. Pfluck, Sylt plokister, ploktualig. 
119 C 3 cf. Sylt lech Gebarmutter (to Holler's citation of M.H.G. kintlege 
I would add West Fris. ttch Eierstocke). 12 H 1 Westfalian lewan. 
123 D 1 Helg. pip; D 14 Engl. cock; F 3 Sylt pintj. 126 A 13 Fohr 
Mot, klotQr stian, Helg. kleten, kllten klotdn, Sylt kloot, klootstiin. 129 D 2 

M.L.R.XVI. 7 

98 Reviews 

(Afterbirth) Fohr, Sylt fillighair. 132 (Skin) Fohr ell Schwielenhaut, 
Sylt Hit, also add Sylt flit Fliigelfell, Augenfell. 132 B 2 Author is 
mistaken in connecting Cologne huck Haut with N.H.G. hucke, for 
huck = M.H.G. hilt and exhibits the Ripuarian development of final 
dental to final velar stop cf. zick < zit, huck < hint, etc. 134 A 2 (Scale) 
Fohr skolldp-, D 1 ~H.elg.Jlum. 150 (Cartilage) Sylt gnosp. 



Professor Waterhouse is to be congratulated on the first volume of 
The Year Book of Modern Languages (Cambridge : Univ. Press, 1920 ; 
15s.). He has achieved a difficult task in face of the general dislocation 
of our academic life, and especially that part of it which is concerned 
with modern European literatures. The contributions dealing with the 
different literatures vary considerably in character and scope, some 
attempting to cover the whole field, others restricting themselves to 
English work or to mere lists of books; but these inequalities will 
doubtless disappear in the Year Book for 1921, where the period 
surveyed will be necessarily better defined. The Editor's own contribu- 
tion on the Report of the Government Committee might, in view of the 
very great importance of that Report, with advantage have been longer. 
One associates a Year Book with statistical information. It would, for 
instance, have been valuable had Prof. Waterhouse included a survey 
of the present standing of Modern Language study in schools arid 
universities, notably of the progress that has been made in improving 
the position of languages like Italian, Spanish and Russian. Statistics 
showing the representation of Modern Languages at the universities of 
the British Isles, a record of new chairs and lectureships created, and 
following the lead of our contemporary History a list of the theses 
accepted at the universities for higher graduation would all have 
provided welcome variety to the linguistic and literary summaries 
which make up most of the present volume. But arj excellent beginning 
has been made with this volume, and we look forward to its successors. 

J. G. R. 

We are glad to welcome the appearance of a second edition of the 
EtymologischesWb'rterbuch der gotischen Sprache (Erste Lieferung: A D. 
Halle : M. Niemeyer, 1920; 96 pp.; 10 M.) by Sigmund Feist, a scholar 
who has come into special prominence in recent years as the champion 
of some startling theories concerning the Germanic sound-shifts. The 
dictionary has grown almost beyond recognition, the letters A D alone 
occupying the space formerly allotted to aba gafrifron. This first 
number shows the work to be up to date, comprehensive and critical. By 

Minor Notices 99 

using different types the author is able to embody many references to the 
labours of his predecessors. New features of interest are the provision 
of Greek equivalents after the Gothic lemmata, the utilisation of 
Tocharian cognates, and the incorporation of a wealth of Celtic illustra- 
tive material, revised by no less an authority than Prof. Thurneysen. 
The dictionary is advertised to appear in 4 or 5 parts, and detailed 
criticism is best deferred until publication is complete. W. E. C. 

In Spanish Prose and Poetry, Old and New (Oxford : Univ. Press, 
1920 ; 10s. 6d.) Miss Ida Farnell sets out to convey to English readers 
in a book of a hundred and eighty pages something of the beauty and 
power of Spanish literature by giving them a number of translated 
extracts together with ' critical and biographical sketches.' The task is 
a formidable one and it is unfortunate that Miss Farnell has not made 
better use of the space at her disposal. The entire omission of Cervantes, 
Calder6n, Santa Teresa and Lazarillo de Tormes is no doubt due to the 
existence of certain English translations. Yet sixteen pages are devoted 
to translations from the Celestina and seventeen to what is mainly a 
summary of Pepita Jimenez ; and both these works are easily acces- 
sible in English. On the other hand, the introductory sketches and 
many of the renderings from both prose and verse are full of insight 
and sympathy. In particular there are unusually happy versions of 
certain lyrics, notably the Noche serena and Morada del cielo of Fray 
Luis de Leon and the selections from Gaspar Nufiez del Arce. The 
almost untranslateable En una noche escura of San Juan de la Cruz is 
rendered with a skill which gives us much of the original music in 
spite of the necessary substitution in the English version of single for 
double end-rimes. The book as a whole is suggestive and inspiring 
both to the student of Spanish and the general reader. Those to whom 
Antonio Machado's beautiful lines to Giner de los Rios are new may 
like to know that a small but representative selection from Sr. Machado's 
poems is now available in the Coleccion Universal of the Casa Calpe. 

E. A. P. 


September November, 1920. 


ABTHORNE, J., The Arts and Living. London, W. Heinemann. 6s. 

CHAPLIN, A., The Romance of Language. London, Sidgwick arid Jackson. 7*. 6d. 

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GAYLEY, C. M. and B. P. KURTZ, Methods and Materials of Literary Criticism, 

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JAMESON, S., Modern Drama in Europe. London, W. Collins. 10.s. 6d. 
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New Publications 101 


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CROCE, B., La metodologia della critica letteraria e la Divina Commedia 

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ERCOLE, A., Caino nella letteratura drammatica italiana. Turin, E. Loescher. 
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102 New Publications 

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GARcfA DE DIEGO, V., Etimologias espaiiolas (Rev. defil. esp., vii, 2, June). 
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MENE"NDEZ PIDAL, R., Notas para el lexico rornanico (Rev. fil. esp., vii, 1, 

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PFANDL, L., Der Dialogo de Mugeres von 1544 und seine Bedeutung fiir die 

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tores espanoles de los siglos xvi y xvn (cant.) (Bol. Acad. esp., vii, 34, Oct.). 
SPENCE, L., Legends and Romances of Spain. London, G. G. Harrap. 21s. 

THOMAS, H., The Output of Spanish Books in the Sixteenth Century 

(Library, i, 2, Sept.). 
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Acad. esp., vii, 34, Oct.). 


Antologia Portuguesa. A. Herculano. i. Lisbon, Aillaud e Bertrand. 1 dol. 50. 
GUERRA JUNQDEIRO, A., Auswahl aus seinen Werken. Mit Anmerkungen und 

einigen deutschen Nachdichtungen, von L. Ey. (Neuere portugiesische 

Schriftsteller, ii.) Heidelberg, J. Gross. 6 M. 
VICENTE, GIL, Four Plays. Edited with Translation and Notes by A. F. G. Bell. 

Cambridge, Univ. Press*. 20s. 


(a) General (incl. Linguistic). 

FOULET, L., Comment on est passe de 'ce suis je' a 'c'est moi' (Romania, 

181, Jan. 1920). 

GAMILLSCHEG, E., Franzosische Etymologien, 11 (Zs. f. rom. Phil., Sept.). 
GiLLudRON, J., Patologie et terapeutique verbales (Rev. de phil. franc. 

xxxii, 1). 
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Neufeld und Henius. 
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i. Lautlehre. (Zurich Dissertation.) 
KJELLMAN, H., Mots abr^ges et tendances d'abreviation en fran9ais (Uppsala 

Universitets Arsskrift). 
LAMBLEY, K., The Teaching and Cultivation of the French Language in England 

during Tudor and Stuart Times. Manchester, Univ. Press. 14s. 
LOT, E., Nouvelles etudes sur le cycle arthurien, in, iv (Romania, 181, Jan. 


MARINET, G., Notes de Sintaxe : une derogation a la regie de la concordance 
des tens par licence poetique (Rev. de phil. franc., xxxii, 1). 

New Publications 103 

(6) Old French. 

I^ERTONI, G., Maria di Francia (Nuov. Ant., Sept. 1). 

COI^N, G., Bemerkungen zu A. Toblers Altfrarizosischem Worterbuch (Arch. 
Stud. neu. Spr., cl, 1, 2, July). 

HILKA, A., Ein neuer (altfranzosischer) Text des Briefes iiber die Wunder 
Asiens (Zs. f.franz. Spr., xlvi, 1, 2). 

MYRICK, A. B., Feudal Terminology in mediaeval religious poetry (Rom. 
Rev., xi, 1). 

Ovide moralise, poeme du commencement du xive siecle. fid. par C. De Boer, 
ir. Amsterdam, Miiller. 

STIMMING, A., Die Entwicklungsgeschichte der 'Destruction de Rome' (Zs. 
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ADAM, P., Contribution a Petude de la langue des memoires de Saint-Simon. 
These. Nancy. 

AMYOT, J., Les Amours pastorales de Daphnis et Chloe...translatees en frangais. 
2 vols. Paris, Societe litt. de France. 

ANGOT, E. Madame Deshoulieres et 1'intrigue de Rocroy (Rev. d'hist. lift., 
xxvii, 3, Sept.). 

ARRE"AT, Nos poetes et la pensee de leur temps : romantiques, parnassiens, 
symbolistes. Paris, Alcan. 3 fr. 60. 

BARTHOU, L. Autour du * William Shakespeare ' de Victor Hugo (Rev. de 
Paris, Aug. 1). 

BAUDELAIRE, C. (Euvres completes, fid. critique par F. Gautier. I. Paris, 
Nouvelle Revue frangaise. 

B^DARIDA, H. Une nouvelle de Matteo Bandello et la ' Barberine ' d'Alfred 
de Musset (Rev. d'hist. litt., xxvii, 3, Sept.). 

BELLA'Y, J. DU, Poesies frangaises et latines avec notice et notes par E. Courbet. 
n. Paris, Gamier. 

BERTAUT, J., Le roman nouveau. Paris, Renaissance du livre. 4 fr. 

BIZET, R., L'influence anglaise sur notre litterature contemporaine (Anglo- 
Fr. Rev., iv, 3, Oct.). 

BONNEFON, P., Emile Augier, a propos de son centenaire (Bibl. univ., xcix, 

296, Aug.). 
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documents inedits (Rev. dhist. litt., xxvii, 3, Sept.). 
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France.) Paris, Hachette. 30 fr. 
CHAMARD, H. Les origines de la poesie fran9aise de la Renaissance. Paris, 

Boccard. 12 fr. 
CHARLIER, G., Un amour de Ronsard, 'Astree.' Paris, E. Champion. 5 fr. 

CHARLIER, G., Une source indirecte du 'Voyage en Amerique' (French 

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COURTILLIER, G., L'inspiration de 'Mateo Falcone 5 (Rev. d?hist. litt., xxvii, 
2, April). 

104 New Publications 

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FINCH, M. B. and E. A. PEERS, Walpole's Relations with Voltaire (Mod. 
Phil., xviii, 4, Aug.). 

FRANCE, A., Stendhal (Rev. de Paris, Sept. 1). 

GE"RARD~GUILLY, L'enfance et la jeunesse de Madame de Sevigne (Minerve 
franc., Aug. 15, Sept. 1). 

GOT, A., Henri Becque : sa vie et son ceuvre. Paris, Ores. 10 fr. 

HAZARD, P., Ossian chez les Frangais (Nouv. Rev. d'ltalie, April). 
HOLBROOK, R. T., Le plus ancien manuscrit connu de * Pathelin ' (Romania. 
181, Jan. 1920). 

JOUVE, P. J., Romain Holland vivant (1914-1919). Paris, Ollendorff. 12 fr. 
JOVY, E., Pascal et le Pere de Tretat. Chartres, Durand. 

JOVY, E., Les Reflexions de Louis Racine (Bull, du Bibliophile, Nos. 5, 6, 

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LACRETELLE, P. DE, V. Hugo et Lamartine (quelques documents nouveaux) 
(Debats, Aug. 4). 

LA FONTAINE, J. DE, Lettres k sa femme, etc. Ed. complete. Paris, Impr. 

LATREILLE, C., Un manuscrit de Lamartine (le XLC eutretien du 'Cours 

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Hachette. 6 fr. 
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MAINGARD, F., A * source ' of Leconte de Lisle's Qunacepa (French Quart., 

MORAND, P., Les personnages anglais dans la litterature d'imagination en 
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MUSTOXIDI, T. M., Histoire de 1'esthetique francai'se, 1700-1900. Paris, E. Cham- 
pion. 20 fr. 

NEUBERT, F., Maupassant als Essayist und Kritiker (Germ.-Rom. MonaU- 
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PELLEGRINI, C., La prima opera di Margherita di Navarra e la terza rima in 

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POTEZ, H., Deux annees de la Renaissance (d'apres une correspondance 
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KABELAIS, Readings, selected by W. F. Smith. Camb. Univ. Press. 8s. Qd. 
RACINE, Les Plaideurs. Nouvelle ed. classique par J. Favre. Paris, Gamier. 
RENAN, E., Essai psychologique sur Jesus-Christ (fragment inedit) (Rev. de 

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REYNOLD, G. DE, Charles Baudelaire. Paris, Cres. 14 fr. 
RIMBAUD, A., (Euvres, vers et proses. Revues sur les MSS. originaux, annotees 

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SCHINZ, A., French Literature of the Great War. New York, Appleton. 2 dol. 
TONELLI, L., Anatole France et Pascal (Nouv. Rev. d'ltalie, May). 
TRUC, G., Etude sur Anatole France ( Minerve frangaise, Nov. 1). 
VALOIS, MARGUERITE DE, Memoires. Introd. et notes de P. Bonnefon. Paris, 

Bossard. 12 fr. 

TOLDO, P., G. Sand et ses romans (Zeits. f. franz. Spr. und Lit., xlvi, 1, 2). 
VIVIER, P., Montaigne, auteur scientifique. Paris, Mendel. 
WILMOTTE, M., Sainte-Beuve et ses derniers critiques. Paris, E. Champion. 2 fr. 


GOETTE, R., Kulturgeschichte der Urzeit Germaniens. Bonn, K. Schroeder. 

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TOIVONEN, Y. H., Miszellen aus dem Gebiet der germanisch-nnnischen 

Lehnwortstudien (Neuphil. MitteiL, xxi, 5-8, Nov.). 

WIENER, L., Contributions toward a History of Arabico-Gothic Culture, in. 
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WOOD, F. A., Germanic w-Gemination, n (Mod. Phil., xviii, 6, Oct.). 

S candiua vian . 

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106 New Publications 

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LITTLE attention has been paid to the motive of Grendel's attack 
upon Heorot in Beowulf 89 f. In the only detailed account of his raids 
(Beow. 739-45) Grendel appears as a man-eating monster who seeks 
food, 'a full meal' (wyst-fylle 734), and who devours the body ravenously 
(743), as if hunger were his only thought. Nothing in the earlier account 
of his attack is at variance with this savage satisfaction of hunger, 
although it is there merely said that the first time he ' seized in their 
sleep thirty thanes' (122-3), and with the booty went to his home. In 
the third account of the event (1580-84), we are more exactly told that 
Grendel ate on the spot fifteen of the thirty victims, carrying the other 
fifteen away. During his attack of the following night, as we are 
informed in more general terms, Grendel 'accomplished more of 
murderous evil ' (1^5-6). When the monster's mother comes to avenge 
her son (1278), she is discovered too quickly to make clear what she 
might have done. She has time only to seize ' one of the nobles ' (1294) 
and the bloody hand of Grendel, when she hastens away to save her 
life. Escaping to the entrance of her watery cave, however, she too 
takes time to devour ^Eschere's body, but for some reason a fortunate 
circumstance for her pursuers and perhaps intended as such by the poet 
she leaves his bloody head upon the cliff (1420-21). 

In curious contrast with all this fondness for a cannibalistic feast 
Grendel has the form of a man (1352) we are told of the monster's 
making the attack because he ' bore hardly that he heard each day loud 
mirth in the hall ' (88-9). This mirth is then described as ' sound of 
the harp ' and * song of the scop (minstrel),' while as an example of the 
latter there is repeated to us a hymn in praise of the Creator. Again, 
in lines 99-100, we are informed that when the attack \^is made ' men 
were living in happiness blessedly.' 

This inconsistency between motive and accomplishment has not 
been commented upon before. Panzer, it is true, attempts to explain 

1 This paper was written and sent to the Modern Language Review before Schiicking's 
treatment of Beowulf in Paul and Braune's Beitrage XLVII, Part 3, had reached America. 
The later date proposed by Schiicking for the poem, if accepted, would perhaps modify 
the writer's attempt to explain Beowulf 175-8, but the special point of this paper seems 
not to have been touched. 

M. L. R. XVI. 8 

114 GrendeVs Motive in attacking Heorot 

Grendel's dislike of the Danish revelry on the basis of Teutonic folklore 
regarding elves and demons (Studien zur germ. Sagengeschichte, p. 264) : 

Grendels Eingreifen ward dadurch veranlasst, dass er die frohliche Lust in 
Heorot nicht ertragen konnte. Das 1st so allgemeine Damonenart, denn nicht 
bloss Glockenklang scheucht die Elben, sondern all gerauschvolle Hantierung der 
Menschen, die Pochwerke im Gebirge, das Roden des Waldes und Bebauen des 
Ackers (Grimm, Mythol. 4. 380, W. Grimm, Kl. Sch. 1. 467) und in einer schles- 
wigischen Sage (bei Miillenhoff S. 289, Nr. 396) kornmt der Elb nicht zu der 
Hochzeit, zu der er sich selber geladen, weil er 'die Trommelmusik nicht vertragen ' 
kann. In unserem Epos stort Grendel die festliche Lust in Heorot augenscheinlich 
darum, weil sie auf seinem Grund, in seinem Reiche statthat. Wir fanden ent- 
sprechend im Marchen gerade in der Hausformel zweimal das Eingreifen des 
Erdmanns ebenso begriindet: er zerstort die Prunkbauten, weil sie auf oder uber 
seinem Reiche errichtet sind (oben S. 97, 98). 

Such explanation, at first sight apparently so adequate, is in line 
with most Beowulf interpretation of the past. For years the poem has 
been considered scarcely more than a storehouse of heathen antiquities. 
Every time the word wyrd was found the antiquarian finger has come 
down with a ' There is genuine heathendom/ notwithstanding that 
references to luck or fortune are still common enough, without in the 
least disturbing general belief in an over-ruling Providence. Allusions 
to what might be thought Christian doctrine, for example lines 183-8, 
were explained away or regarded as interpolations. Special emphasis 
was laid upon the allusion to devil worship in lines 175-8, while thirty- 
two uses of the word god in passages in which it might be explained as 
an allusion to the God of Christianity were slightly regarded 1 . 

But the belief in Beowulf as mainly a heathen poem has been largely 
modified in recent times. The older view, persisting still in Blackburn's 
'Christian Coloring in Beowulf (Mod. Phil, xn, 205), was more than 
answered by the far-reaching paper of Klaeber, 'Die christlichen 
Elemente im Beowulf (Anglia xxxv-vi) 2 . A succinct statement of 
the newer view, that the poem was written by a Christian, appears in 
Gerould's Saints Legends, p. 60. Noting more clearly than had been 
done before how the chronology of Old English literature would justify 
a Christian origin for the poem, he adds : 

The Christian references in Beowulf, which have baffled all attempts at disen- 
tanglement as a whole, serve to confirm this view. They are there because the 
author, though he told a story of pagan times, was himself a Christian. 

In this connexion let me insert a note on the devil worship in 

1 Twenty-six of these references are in the part of the poem dealing with Hrothgar and 
his people, or with Beowulf in relation to those people. 

2 Compare Klaeber, ' Zum Beowulf,' Anglia xxvin, 441 f. My own opposition to 
Blackburn's view was noted in 'Legends of Cain,' Publ. Mod. Lang. Ass. xxi, 916, and 


Beow. 175-8. In his Life of St Patrick (pp. 75-7), J. B. Bury thus 
accounts for the ease with which the Christian religion was accepted in 
Ireland : 

Christianity, while it demanded that its converts should abandon heathen 
observances and heathen cults, did not require them to surrender their belief in 
the existence of the beings whom they were forbidden to worship. They were only 
required to regard these beings in a new light. For the Christians themselves, even 

the highest authorities in the Church, were as superstitious as the heathen The 

fact, then, that the Christian Church, by its recognition of demons as an actual 
power with which it had to cope, stood in this respect on the same intellectual 
plane as the heathen, was an advantage in the task of diffusing the religion. The 
belief in demons as a foe with which the Church had to deal was expressed officially 
in the institution of a clerical order called exorcists, whose duty it was, by means 
of formulae, to exorcise devils at baptism. 

Besides, not only did Christian missionaries in all parts of the world 
recognize the existence of heathen divinities as spirits of evil, but 
Augustine the missionary to the English was instructed by Pope 
Gregory the Great not necessarily to destroy heathen temples. The 
passage follows : 

Cum vero vos Deus omnipotens ad reverendissirnum virum fratrem nostrum 
Augustinum episcopum perduxerit, dicite ei quid diu mecum de causa Anglorum 
cogitans tractavi, videlicet quia fana idolorum destrui in eadem gente minime 

debeant, sed ipsa quae in eis sunt idola destruantur Quia si fana eadem bene 

constructa sunt, necesse est ut a cultu daemonum in obsequium veri Dei debeant 
commutari, ut dum gens ipsa eadem fana non videt destrui, de corde errorem 
deponat, et, Deum verum cognoscens et adorans, ad loca quae consuevit familiarius 
concurrat 1 . 

That this advice of Pope Gregory was known and followed in 
England is clear from the prominence Bede gives to it in his Ecclesi- 
astical History, where it is quoted in Book i, chapter xxx. That 
heathen temples were preserved in England seems certain from the 
tradition, according to Plummer, that ^Ethelbert's heathen temple 
outside Canterbury was ' converted by Augustine into the Church of 
St Pancras/ Plummer also gives many references to both idols and 
heathen temples in England 2 . 

Here, then, is important light on a passage which has often been 
misinterpreted. With heathen temples still remaining in early England, 
and doubtless not all converted to Christian uses, occasional lapses into 
heathen practices in times of special trouble may have occurred before 
the eyes of the Beowulf poet. He may therefore have introduced the 

1 Sancti Gregori Magni Epistolarum Lib. xi, Epistola Ixxvi Ad Mellitum Abbatem, 
Dat mandata Augustiho, quern adibat, exhibenda, ad faciliorem Anglorum conversionem. 
Migne, Pair. Lat. 77, col. 1176. 

2 Hummer's Bede 11, 58, and the following note. Perhaps it is significant that Bede's 
chapter xxx of Book i is omitted in the Old English version. In the England of King 
Alfred's time it may have seemed too much at variance with Christian practice. 

116 GrendeTs Motive in attacking Heorot 

incident into the ancient tale, because his imagination was guided 
by realities of his own age. The incident is therefore not necessarily at 
variance with the generally Christian character of Hrothgar and the 
Danes. Indeed it may itself be regarded as another indication of the 
Christian character of the poet. Note especially that the god of the 
heathen fane is specifically called gast-bona ' destroyer of souls/ that is 
devil, in accordance with accepted Christian belief. 

To return to the attack of Grendel, only Klaeber in his article, ' Die 
christlichen Elemente' (Anglia xxxv, 257), has given the suggestion of 
Christian colouring to the passage. Of it he says : 

Die veranlassung seines feindlichen verhaltens ist im einklang mit der mar- 
chendarstellung, vgl. Panzer, 264 das ihm verhasste frohliche treiben in Heorot, 
86 ff. ; das motiv des neides ist nur zwischen den zeilen zu lesen. 

In a footnote he refers to Abbetmeyer's monograph, Old English 
Poetical Motives Derived from the Doctrine of Sin, p. 21 f., and adds the 
following references: Vesp. Hym. 12, hostis invidi dolo (=fiondes Ses 
efestgan facne) ; Vita Quiriaci (Acta Sanctorum), omnium 'bonorum 
semper invidus diabolus, to explain EL 899 ff. ; Gen. B. 421 ff., 73:3 ff., 

Excellent as this comment is, it seems to me not strong enough for 
adequate explanation of the motive of Grendel. That we should be told 
this man-eating monster was inspired to assail the Danes by envy of their 
happiness, rather than by hunger for human flesh, seems ridiculously 
insufficient. But the poet, as I suggest, intends to make all clear by 
immediately following the passage with his characterization of Grendel 
as a 'hellish fiend' (feond on helle, 101), and reciting at length his 
origin in the devilish progeny of Cain (lines 104-14), an origin which 
he again asserts in a later passage (1258-68). In other words, this is 
the reason for introducing a passage which has always been a stumbling 
block to those who saw only a heathen story in the poem, and which 
occasioned what now seems the extraordinary interpolation theory. As 
of devilish origin, Grendel merely exhibits a devilish characteristic in 
being carried away by envy of the happy Hrothgar and his court, a 
community accepting God as Creator and benefactor in other words, 
essentially Christian. 

It would seem scarcely necessary to argue at length for envy as a 
characteristic of the devil according to medieval conception. Envy of 
the Creator was joined with pride in his own powers to cause the fall 
of Lucifer. Indeed, St Augustine gave envy as the prime motive : ' Qui 
invidet, non amat. Peccatum diaboli est in illo ; quia et diabolus in- 


vidiendo dejecit 1 .' Envy stands next to pride in the list of the seven 
* deadly sins,' as in St Augustine's Tractates de septem vitiis et septem 
donis Spiritus Sancti*, in Gregory the Great's Moralium Libri 3 , and 
usually perhaps in medieval books. Compare for English works, Cursor 
Mundi 1. 27524 f. ; Dan Michael's Ayenbite of Inwit ; Jacob's Well ; Lay 
Folks' Catechism ; Chaucer's Parson's Tale ; Gower's Gonfessio Amantis ; 
William of Shoreham's Poems No. 4. 

Envy of man's happiness was also fully recognized in medieval times 
as a devilish characteristic. Jewish legend, on which so much of 
Christian demonology was based, placed the envy of Adam and its 
accompanying jealousy before the fall of Lucifer: 

The extraordinary qualities with which Adam was blessed, physical and spiritual 
as well, aroused the envy of the angels. They attempted to consume him with fire, 
and he would have perished, had not the protecting hand of God rested upon him, 
and established peace between him and the heavenly host. In particular Satan was 
jealous of the first man, and his evil thoughts finally led to his fall 4 . 

For the same envy of man by the devil I need cite, among Christian 
writers, only two of the Church Fathers, one Greek and one Roman. 
St Chrysostom, in his forty-eighth Homily on John's Gospel (chap. 7, 1), 
has this pertinent passage : O vSev <j>06vi, xelpov teal /Saa-fcavtas ' ovrax; 

Sta/SoXos rov /coo-fJLov el<rr)\6ev. 'Ettreio'r) yap elSev 6 SidfioXo? rov 
avOpwirov rifJLtofJuevov, OVK eveyvoDV rrjv evrjfjLepiav, irdvra eirparrev wcrre 
avrov dv\etv 5 . For the Roman Fathers St Augustine is equally clear 
in his presentation of the same idea ; Enarratio in Psalmum 139, 6 
(140, 5) : 

Absconderunt superbi musdpulum mihi. Totum corpus diaboli explicavit breviter, 
cum ait, superbi. .. .Inde veniunt omnes seductiones et supplantationes. Hoc prior 
ipse diabolus voluit, qui cadens stanti homini invidit : et quia ipse amisit regnum 
coelorum, hominem illuc pervenire noluit (Gen. iii), et non vult ; et id agit nunc, ut 
homo illuc non perveniat, unde ipse dejectus est. Quia ergo superbus est ipse, et 
ideo invidus quia superbus, ornne corpus ipsius talium corpus est 6 . 

The same idea is found in Old English writers, although the examples 

1 now have are later than the composition of Beowulf. The first is from 
JElfric's Sermo de initio creaturae : 

pa ongeat se deofol J>set Adam and Eva wseron to $y gesceapene }>set hi sceolon 
mid eadmodnysse and mid gehyrsumnysse geearriian $a wununge on heofonan rice 

1 In Epistolam Joannis ad Parthos, Tract, v, cap. iii (Migne, Pair. Lat. 35, col. 2017). 
Cf. also St Isidore, Sententiarum Lib. in, cap. xxv (Migne, 83, 700): 'Invidus membrum 
est diaboli, cujus invidia mors introivit in orbem terrarum, sicut et superbus membrum est 

2 Migne, Patr. Lat. 40, col. 1089. 

3 Liber xxxi, cap. xlv, Migne Patr. Lat. 76, col. 620. 

4 Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews i, 62. 

5 Migne, Patr. Graec. 59, col. 269. 
d Migne, Patr. Lat. 37, col. 1807. 

118 Grendel's Motive in attacking Heorot 

"Se he of afeoll for his upahefednysse, j?a nam he micelne gramum and andan to ]>arn 
mannum, and smeade hu he hi fordon mihte 1 . 

The second occurs in Wulfstan's Homilies : 

Ac sona swa deofol ongeat J>et mann to Sam gesceapen wses, ]?8et he scolde and 
his cynn gefyllan on heofonum >aet se deofol forworhte fturh his ofermodignesse, )>a 
waes him J?set on myclan andan, ongann >a beswican and gelseran, }>set se man 
abrsec godes bebod 2 . 

That Grendel's envy of the Danes did not show itself in tempting 
them to their spiritual fall, as commonly with the devils, was due to his 
belonging to the race of Cain's descendants, corporeal monsters with 
physical characteristics. According to medieval conception these cor- 
poreal demons, as I have shown in the article- mentioned above, were 
blood-thirsty in the most literal sense. The passage is in the Clementine 
Homilies : 

But they [those who sprang from the union of the sons of God and the daughters 
of men], on account of their bastard natures not being pleased with purity of food 
(the manna God has provided), longed after the taste of blood. Wherefore they first 
tasted flesh 3 . 

So far I have not considered the Hymn of Creation (Beow. 90-98) 
sung by the Danish minstrel as a reason for Grendel's attack. It is not 
a reason, I take it, because it praises the Creator, toward whom envy 
would have been natural on the part of any demon. The song is 
primarily an example of the peaceful pleasures of the Danish people, 
and probably not intended as an indication of how they 'lived blessedly' 
(99-100) in any Christian sense. On the other hand, the words 'lived 
blessedly ' might have such meaning, especially as the hymn is in quite 
extraordinary contrast with the other songs of the scop introduced into 
the poem. The latter, as the Praise of Beowulf (872 f.) and the Song of 
Finn (1086 f), are strictly in keeping with the natural characteristics 
of a warlike race. The only approach to the ideas of the Hymn of 
Creation are the words of the devout Hrothgar, as in lines 928 f. and 
1700 f. 

It may be contended that Grendel's dislike of the Danish revelry 
belonged to the original story. That is not impossible, and perhaps 
even probable. Even in that case, however, we must consider how 
a Christian poet of medieval England would have looked at such a 
matter, and how far he would have retained it if he had regarded it as 
essentially heathen. It is clearly not heathen to have the revelry of the 
Danes include a Hymn of Creation similar to that of the Christian 

1 Homilies of Mlfric, ^Elfric Soc. i, 16. Cf. also ^Elfric's Hexameron, ch. xvii. 

2 Wulfstan's Homilies, ed. by Napier, p. 9. 

3 Clementine Homilies 8, ch. 14-18, as translated in the Ante-Nicene Fathers 17, 142 f. 


Caedmon, whose follower the Beowulf poet must have been. Besides, 
the fact that the poet at once accounts for Grendel in exactly the 
manner in which the medieval Christian was wont to explain such 
monsters, leaves implications which cannot be accounted for on any 
heathen basis. The explanation of Grendel's motive as envy of man's 
happiness seems to account for the introduction of the Cain descent as 
it has not been accounted for before. With this explanation, that 
descent seems less than ever dragged in unnecessarily. 

It was then, as our poet conceives, because Grendel was of devilish 
origin that he was prompted, by envy of the Danes in their happiness 
and innocent pleasures, to make his earliest attack, and to become their 
persistent enemy until the hero Beowulf comes to the rescue. Thus, at 
the foundation of this part of the Beowulf story, is a conception which 
can be fully accounted for only on a Christian basis. Let us add it to 
the Christian elements, as one of the significant evidences that only a 
Christian poet could have written the old English epic. 



THE unnoticed fact that the 1613 edition of Scoggins lestes in the 
Bodleian Library adds a sequel to Scogan's well-known adventures is 
here to be made the excuse for reopening a much argued matter. Who 
and what was Scogan ? 

Around the name of Scogan, Skogan, Scogin, or Scoggin 1 there is a 
large literary tradition and an intriguing mystery. The tradition arises 
from the appearance of the name and character of Scogan in the work 
of Chaucer, Shakespeare, Ben Jonson, and many lesser writers, as well as 
from the fact that in Elizabethan times the name was a by-word ; the 
mystery from the non-appearance of any strictly satisfactory evidence 
as to one identity fitting the tradition. Of recent years many have 
agreed with Ritson 2 and split the tradition in two, one part for a Henry 
Scogan of Chaucer's time, poet of respectable reputation, and one for 
a John Scogan, supposedly flourishing some hundred years later as a 
university-educated jokester and court fool. Under this interpretation 
the Scogan to whom Chaucer's Envoy was written can have played none 
of the ' sporting parts ' in that favourite Elizabethan chap-book Scoggins 
lestes. Skeat 3 appears rather glad to accept this view. Obviously he 
finds it distasteful to think of Chaucer's friend as a fool, particularly 
such a boisterously vulgar one as the Scogan whom the Elizabethans 

But in spite of some very learned arguing back and forth, anyone 
who goes carefully over what has been written about Scogan may still 
find himself unconvinced of anything except that there is confusion 
worse confounded. In re-examining the old much vexed evidence and 
adding some small share of new, I hope to prove at least that the 
existence of two Scogans is not at all established ; going even farther, 
I hope to show that according to our present meagre knowledge argu- 
ments for one Scogan living in Chaucer's time are on the whole better 
than the arguments for two famous men of that name. 

1 Except when quotation dictates otherwise I shall spell the name Scogan, though for 
the role of jester Scogin or Scoggin appears more frequently. 

2 Bibliographia Poetica, 1802, pp. 97 ff. 

3 Chaucer, i, pp. 83-4. 


Whoever Scogan was or whichever he was, he certainly did not write 
the Jests centring about his personality. They may be regarded as 
giving an apocryphal life of their hero, but they are a collection of 
stories whose only passport to admission in the book may frequently 
have been the sure-fire Elizabethan laughs that lay in them, and as 
evidence are distinctly to be handled with care. 

A complete and correctly characterized list of the many editions 
through which the Jests ran has never been given. The following is 
avowedly incomplete and in places only suggestive, but it adds to what 
has before been found and corrects some errors : 

I. Edition or editions earlier than 1565-6 ? 

Says Hazlitt (Shakespeare Jest-Books, n, p. 38) : 'It is to be remarked 
that Colwell, to whom the " Geystes of Skoggon " were, as we have seen, 
licensed in 1565-6, was Wyer's successor in the printing and book- 
selling business at the sign of St. John Evangelist, near Charing Cross ; 
and there is room to suspect that the edition issued by Colwell was 
merely a reprint of an impression by Wyer, of which all trace is now 

II. Edition of 1565-6 ? 

Thomas Colwell paid fourpence to the Stationers' Company for a 
license to print The Geystes of Skoggon (Arber's Transcript, I, p. 134). 
1 Probably printed. No copy of this edition now known. 

III. Scoggins lestes. Wherein is declared his pleasant pastimes in 
France ; and of his meriments among the Fryers : full of delight and 
honest mirthe. London, Printed by Ralph Blower dwelling on Lambert 
hill neare old Fish street. 1613. 12, black letter. 

On page 1 : Certaine merrie lestes of Scoggin, translated out of 

Malone 388, Bodleian, apparently only copy now known. 

Jests different in scope and plan from those of any other edition. 
Hazlitt cannot have examined them. He says, however (Shakespeare 
Jest-Books, n, p. 39): 'An edition, 1613, 12mo, was in the Harleian 
Collection.' He shows no evidence of knowing its real character. 

IV. The First and Best Part of Scoggins Jests. Full of Witty Mirth 
and Pleasant Shifts, done by him in France and other places : being a 
Preservative against Melancholy. Gathered by Andrew Boord, Doctor of 
Physicke. London. Printed for Francis Williams. 1626. 12, black letter. 

Copy in British Museum. Edited and reprinted by Hazlitt, Shake- 
speare Jest-Books, II, pp. 46 ff. 

122 John (Henry] Scogan 

V. The first and second part of Scoggins jests, full of witty mirth 
and pleasant shifts, done by him in France and other places, being a 
preservative against melancholy. Gathered by Andrew Boord Doctor of 
physicke. London, printed for /. Stafford and W. Gilbertson, 1655. 

Existence of this edition hitherto unnoticed. I know of no copy. 
The title is copied in Donee's handwriting among notes at the front of 
Douce S. 212, Bodleian. 

VI. Scoggins Jests : Full of witty Mirth, and pleasant Shifts ; done 
by him in France and other places. Being a Preservative against 
Melancholy. Gathered by Andrew Board, Doctor of Physick. This may 
be Reprinted, R. P. London ; Printed for W. Thackeray at the Angel in 
Duck lane, near West-Smithfield, and J. Deacon at the Angel in Gilt- 
spur-street. (About 1680.) 

Douce S. 212, Bodleian, is a copy of this edition once owned by 
Douce. On leaves inserted at the front are notes in his handwriting, 
among them being, ' This was the copy from which Mr Caulfield reprinted 
his edition and which he returned to me in its present dirty condition.' 

VII. Reprint of Thackeray and Deacon's edition for Caulfield, 
1796. 8vo. 

Esdaile includes the Bodleian copy of the 1613 edition with a query 
as to whether it is not 'another edition' of the jests registered and 
probably printed in 1565-6, and of the jests printed in 1626 1 . It is not 
another edition.' It is better described as a sequel to The First and 
Best Part. Hazlitt, who has so well edited the 1626 edition, works 
under the same misapprehension, leaving one with the decided im- 
pression that the 1613 edition is similar to the 1626, although incom- 
plete and not so well worth reprinting 2 . Others have followed in this 
belief with the result that the 1613 edition has never been carefully 
examined, so far as is apparent 8 . 

As a matter of fact, this edition of 1613 extends Scogan's apocryphal 
life in an interesting fashion and is so far from being a duplication of 
the well-known jests that out of the sixty-seven tales which make the 

1 A List of English Tales and Prose Romances Printed before 1740, London, 1912, 
p. 123. 

2 Shakespeare Jest-Books, n, p. 39. 'All the earlier editions of Scoggin's Jests, how- 
ever, seem to have perished; and although an edition, 1613, 12mo, was in the Harleian 
Collection, the only edition now known, having any pretension to completeness, is that of 
1626 described above. ' 

3 See Dictionary of National Biography, 1897, LI, p. 2. ' The work was repeatedly 
reissued ; an edition dated 1613 was in the Harleian Collection. The earliest now known 
is dated 1626....' 


book only four appear also in the edition of 1626 1 . Seemingly no one 
has remarked that the edition of 1626 is expressly entitled The First 
and Best Part, and that there should logically be a second part. 

The general outlines of the apocryphal life given by the 1626 
edition are well enough known, even to those who have found Scogan's 
merriments too idle to read. Scogan is an Oxford M.A. and later a 
favoured fool at court. He is banished to France for an offence to 
royalty, continues his jests at court there, and is banished again, this 
time from France to England. After more jesting in England he dies 
and is buried under one of the water-spouts of Westminster Abbey by 
his express wish ; his reason is, ' I have ever loved good drinke all the 
dayes of my life.' Further details are too accessible to need relation. 

As has been said, another and hitherto unnoticed part of the apocry- 
phal life appears in the edition of 1613, and because the Bodleian copy 
is now the only one accessible, this deserves a more extensive summary : 

Scoggin 2 is banished from England for seducing the daughter of a London gold- 
smith. He goes from Dover to Calais, and from there adventures over a great part 
of Europe. In Pikardie he is made ' chiefe warrener ' of all the Parks and Forests 
of a wealthy and gay young knight. Put out of this service for indiscretion, he is 
hired to a horse courser's servant, but soon loses this place also. He performs some 
knavish tricks on the people in order to get money and finally goes to Paris, where 
he deceives a vintner and an innkeeper, thereby gaining free wine and board. From 
Paris he journeys to Orleans, and at an inn on the road plays practical jokes on the 
innkeeper and on certain Hollanders who are guests there. After this Scoggin comes 
'unto the citie of Cane in JVormandie, where William the Conqueror King of England 
was buried.' Presently he leaves France for Rome, where he sets even the Pope by 
the ears and bedevils the friars most outrageously. His encounters with the friars 
are many and various. He is next found in Venice, where he makes a fool of a 
doctor. He returns to Rome. 'After this Scoggin grew in hate among the Friers, 
because he many times made Jestes upon them.' Applying to the Pope himself, he 
is made a priest, and has a merry time of it in his church, between whiles travelling 
to cities about Rome and adventuring by the way. One day the Pope drops in 
upon Scoggin to hear him say service and is so angry with what he hears that he 
turns the jester out of his benefice. Scoggin then hires himself as travelling com- 
panion to a country squire and plays a trick which comes near to losing him this 
place too. At the last we leave hirn cozening the squire's wife and thereby keeping 
the position. 

If his wanderings are more extensive and his hand is here even more 

1 These are : - 

(1) Hoic Scoggin taught a French-man Latin to carry him to the Pope. Cf. Hazlitt, n, 
p. 65 : How Scogin' s scholler tooke orders. 

(2) How Scoggin ouer-tooke a Priest and kept company icith him, and how hee and the 
priest prayed for money. Cf. Hazlitt, n, p. 149 : How Scogin and the priest prayed for 

(3) How Scoggin and three or foure more deceiued a Tapster. Cf. Hazlitt, n, p. 133 : 
Hoiv Scogin and three or foure more deceived a Tapster. 

(4) How Scoggin got away the abbot's horse fram (sic) him. Cf. Hazlitt, n, p. 95 : How 
Scogin got the abbot's horse. 

In the edition of 1613 the jests are not numbered, and there is no pagination. 

2 In the edition of 1613, the name is always so spelled. 

124 John (Henry) Scogan 

set against the Church than in the better-known jests, the hero is con- 
sistently the same Scogan. He is a Master of Arts of Oxford, turned 
to low buffoonery and living by chicanery, but not forgetful of his Latin. 
In a rough way the stories of 1613 seem meant to fit into the scheme 
of 1626, amplifying that period of his life between his banishment from 
England and his return. 

Who then was this Scogan the fool ; what was his Christian name ; 
when did he live ? So far as actual records go, he may be only a fiction, 
for not a single contemporary reference to him, dependable or otherwise, 
has ever been turned up by the many interested persons who have 

The evidence as to Scogan 's period in the Jests themselves would be 
untrustworthy anyway, and moreover an examination shows it to be 
contradictory. The only date mentioned is 1490, when Scogan is said 
to have given a bond to a friar 1 . We also hear that ' there was a Jesuite 
that would always speake mightily against Protestants thinking Scoggin 
to be one 2 .' The word 'Protestant' did not come into use until after 
the Diet of Spires in 1529, and the Order of Jesus was not founded 
until 1539. Certainly Scogan was not in his heyday both in 1490 and 
in 1539. To add to the confusion there are references to a man who is 
very probably an historical character of a yet earlier period, a member of 
the influential family of Neville. This evidence is worth as much as, if 
not more than, the actual dates elsewhere implied, because Neville is 
closely bound up with an essential feature of Scogan's apocryphal life. 
A certain Sir William Neuil or Nevill acts as an appreciative and 
helpful patron to Scogan when he decides to go to court and be a fool 3 . 
Sir William is one of the ' gentlemen of the King's privy chamber ' to 
whom ' Scogin was more beholding than the others.' 

No one has hitherto pointed out that the only Sir William Neville 
who was historically a gentleman of the King's chamber, in position to 
patronize Scogan exactly as the Jests describe, was a friend of Chaucer's 4 . 
Sir William de Neville, son of Ralph de Neville, was a knight of 
Richard II's chamber in the eighth year of that King's reign 5 and 

1 Ed. of 1613, How Scoggin cousined a Frier of twenty duckets. 

2 Ed. of 1613, Of a lesuite that spake against Scoggin. 

3 Ed. of 1626. See Hazlitt, n, p. 100, How Scogin came to the courte like a foole and 
wonne twenty pounds by standing under a spout in the raine. 

4 Hazlitt rejects another Sir William Neville, d. 1462, on the score of his having lived 
too early. (Work cited, n, p. 101, note.) 

5 See Dugdale, Baronage of England, London, 1675, i, p. 295, who there refers to 
Eotuli Scotiae, 8 Richard II, membr. 3, Westm. 18 Feb., A.D. 1384-5. See also Edmondson's 
ed. of Segar, Baronagium Genealogicum. 


probably died in 1389 1 . Willelmus de Nevylle is one of the witnesses 
appearing for Chaucer in that mysterious action brought by Cecily 
Chaumpaigne against the poet 2 , and he is almost certainly the man in 

Other things in the Jests themselves make it not at all impossible 
to say that a date as early as the latter part of the fourteenth century 
may have been intended by the first compiler, and that Jesuits and 
Protestants may be later accretions. Scogan engineers a characteristic 
bit of horseplay at a medieval Easter play in France 3 , and the detailed 
description of the play as well as the teller's introduction makes an early 
date wholly possible, perhaps more probable than a later. The following 
remark, introducing the tale and placing it in a time so ancient as to 
need explanation for its customs, is frequently duplicated in the Jests : 
1 And as in that age the whole earth was almost planted with supersti- 
tion and idolatry, so such like prophane pastimes was greatly delighted 
in, especially playes made of the Scripture at an Easter.' 

Furthermore, although so many writers have agreed that the fool 
Scogan must have nourished about 1480, there is outside the Jests at 
least one good indication that he probably lived earlier. The only thing 
approaching a contemporary reference to the man is a Latin epitaph 
preserved as one verse in Harleian MS. 1587 4 , and expanded into two 
verses in Lansdowne MS. 762 5 . Its character makes reference to the 
jester Scogan undoubted. The date of Harleian 1587 can be approxi- 
mately determined. It is an ordinary schoolboy's exercise book concocted 
by a monk named William Ingram, apparently not all at once. One 
specimen legal instrument bears the date XIIII March XIIII Ed- 
ward IV 6 , another, in the same hand as Scogan's epitaph, 1474 7 . The 
latest date appearing in the whole manuscript is 1480 in another section: 

' Explicit anno dommi m cccc 1 xxx 08 ,' 

which is certainly the date when Ingram finished part of his work, 
perhaps the date for all. If, then, we date the manuscript c. 1480, we 
must conclude that Scogan was dead by 1480 instead of in his prime. 
Moreover, the epitaph does not tell us exactly when Scogan flourished, 
and to give time for his epitaph to become a copybook classic Scogan 
may well have been dead many years before 1480. 

1 See Dictionary of National Biography for life. 

2 Chaucer Life Records, p. 225. 

3 Ed. 1613, How Scoggin set a whole towne together by the eares. 

4 fol. 193 a. 5 fol. 20 a. 6 fol. 207 b. 
7 fol. 204 a. 8 fol. 120 b. 

126 John (Henry) Scogan 

The epitaph in its first line calls Scogan John : 

' Hie iacet in tumulo corpus Scogan ecce Johannis.' 
It makes him a man of mirth, but leaves the way open for his having 
been a poet. Caxton, in a short collection of Chaucerian pieces pretty 
certainly printed before February 2, 1479 1 , flatly assigns the Moral 
Balade, which modern critics give to the historical Henry Scogan, to 
a John Skogan. This attribution at once makes more dubious the 
existence of any John Scogan in Caxton's own time, namely during the 
reign of Edward IV, to whom Scogan has been said to have been jester, 
and decidedly raises the question whether the fool and the poet were 
not the same. It seems hardly probable that a man of Caxton's mental 
parts could stupidly confuse a Scogan of his own day with a contemporary 
of Chaucer. 

Authoritative ascriptions of the Moral Balade are as follows : 

Ashmole 59 : to Henry Scogan. (Shirley's notation.) 

Harleian 2251 : No ascription. Heading simply Querela senis. 

Cambridge University MS. FF iv 9 : No heading. No ascription 2 . 

Caxton : to John Skogan. 

Thynne : to Scogan. 

Flee fro the Presse is headed simply Proverbium Scogani in MS. 203, 
Corpus Christi College, Oxford 3 . 

To name the poet we are left with Shirley's word for Henry against 
Caxton's for John. Shirley was not contemporary with his author and 
noted the ascription according to his own belief, probably just as did 
Caxton. Caxton came not so very long after the copyist and perhaps 
has as good a right to be heard. 

The duality of Scogan simply cannot be argued from the duality of 
names, for there is no consistency in the use of the two which can make 
John anything but inextricably the poet whom Shirley calls Henry. 
Earlier biographers Bale 4 and Tanner 5 the chief call Scogan John 
when they call him anything at all, and while they bristle with ana- 
chronisms and errors such as making him contemporary with Chaucer 

1 See William Blades, The Life and Typography of William Caxton, London, 1861, 
n, pp. 63 and 70. A fragmentary copy of the Caxton edition is in the British Museum. 

2 This manuscript has not been noticed by Chaucer editors. I owe knowledge of its 
existence to Professor Carleton Brown, who called my attention to it. The poem is here 
incomplete. See Professor Brown's Register of Middle English Religious Verse. 

3 Warton, History of English Poetry, 1824, n, p. 447, note c, gives the manuscript 
erroneously as CCC., Oxon., 208, and says that the poem is headed Proverbium Joannis 
Scogan. I can find no hint in the manuscript that Scogan was named John. 

4 Scriptorum illustrium maioris Brittaniae 1557-9. Centuria undecima, LXX. 

5 Bibliotheca Brittanico-Hibernica, London, 1748, p. 677. 


and at the same time jester to Edward IV, show clearly that the literary 
and unlearned world believed in only one Scogan, poet and jester too. 
Holinshed is evidently only following Bale, whom he refers to in other 
places 1 , when he places ' Skogan a learned gentleman and student ' at 
the court of Edward IV 2 . If the name of Scogan and its traditions had 
not been so well known and frequently used, it would not be so curious 
that until Ritson 3 tried to prove their existence no one sought two 
separate men under the name. 

There is always to be considered the Scogan tradition, independent 
of scholars and their researches, which has given us fairly consistently 
and in many places the character of one Scogan, both poet and gentle- 
man clown. References in Elizabethan times are so numerous that no 
one has ever collected them all 4 . Shakespeare in what he makes Shallow 
say of Scogan 5 , which precipitated such a tidy passage-at-arms between 
Ritson and the editors of the Malone-Boswell Variorum 6 , obviously had 
in mind Scogan the fool, whether poet or no, and by placing him under 
Henry IV adds something to the evidence that Scogan the ancient poet 
and Scogan the ancient fool were identical. He undoubtedly gives the 
conception of Scogan generally held at that time. Ben Jonson 7 and 
Gabriel Harvey 8 significantly couple Scogan with Skelton, who was also 
traditionally poet and gentleman clown at the same time and inspired 
a collection of jests very similar to Scoggins Jests. 

Lastly, in spite of a strong desire evinced by Skeat and others to 
make Chaucer's Scogan solidly respectable, Lenvoy de Chaucer a Scogan 
certainly admits the possibility that Scogan played 'sporting parts,' 
though probably, as Holinshed charitably remarks 9 , ' not in such uncivil 
manner as hath beene of him reported.' Chaucer's Envoy is replete with 
affectionate banter, but the fact that this banter is never bitter or sar- 
castic and does not tear up Scogan's character is no reason for saying 
that it makes him out all that is sedate and proper. Lines 20 and 21 : 

Alias, Scogan ! of olde folk ne yonge 

Was never erst Scogan blamed for his tonge ! 

by which Skeat says Chaucer 'gives him an excellent character for 

1 Chronicles, 1577, n, pp. 1003 and 1117, for example. 9 

a Ibid., n, p. 1355. 

3 Bibliographia Poetica, 1802, pp. 97 ff. 

4 For a few see article on Scogan, Dictionary of National Biography, and Hazlitt, work 
cited, introduction. 

6 'The same Sir John, the very same. I see him break Skogan 's head at the court- 
gate, when 'a was a crack, not thus high.' 2 Hy. IV, in, 2. 

6 Ed. 1821, xvn, pp. 117 ff., notes. 

7 In the Masque of the Fortunate Isles (1624). 

s Works, ed. Grosart, 1884, i, p. 165, n, pp. 109, 132, 215. 
9 Chronicles, 1577, n, p. 1355. 

128 John (Henry] Scogan 

wisdom of speech 1 / have a most suspicious air of playful irony. Ad- 
mittedly what one sees in the Envoy is a matter of individual reaction. 
Personally I think the poem rings truest as amicable raillery sent from 
one poet who knew fun when he saw it to another who did not always 
hold fast to wisdom of speech and who had that rarest gift of being able 
to find himself funny. The very spontaneity of Chaucer's banter seems 
to imply a subject who would repay the effort with an appreciative 

To accept one Scogan instead of two and feel any satisfaction in our 
belief we shall have to find some passable explanation for the mixing of 
the names John and Henry. This is a matter on which there cannot 
be much argument with information as limited as it is. About the 
existence of a Henry Scogan contemporary with Chaucer, who may 
well have been a poet, there is no doubt 2 . It is perhaps simplest merely 
to say that Henry Scogan would seem to be the man we are searching 
for, and that after his death the name John was sometimes given him 
in confusion. The thing is wholly possible. John and Henry are both 
extremely common names, and records show that Henry Scogan's own 
brother, from whom he inherited the manor of Haviles, was named 
John 3 . It is even possible that a mixing of common Christian names 
explains Scogan's being placed under Edward IV by some writers. The 
writing of Edward IV in error for Henry IV just once could have started 
the train. Of course, the mistake is stupid, but Tanner called Scogan 
'regi Edwardi VI joculator 4 ' when he certainly meant to make him 
jester to Edward IV, and in general there are enough errors and self- 
contradictions in what has been written about Scogan to furnish analogy 
for almost any kind of mistake. 

We have one Scogan definitely established by historical record, and 
when we look as closely as we can, we find nothing definite to hinder 
our making him the fool of the Jests, probably rather scandalously 
vulgarized, the poet, and the friendly butt of Chaucer's Envoy. More 
than that, there is a great deal to favour the supposition. 


1 Chaucer, i, p. 83. 

2 For the most important facts about him see Dictionary of National Biography and 
convenient summary by Kittredge, (Harvard) Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature, 
1892, i, pp. 114 ff. 

3 Parkins, Essay towards a Topographical History of the County of Norfolk (Blomefield's 
Norfolk), 1807, vn, pp. 141-2, quoted by Kittredge, (Harvard) Studies and Notes in Philo- 
logy and Literature, 1892, i, p. 114. 

4 Bibliotheca Brittanico-Hibernica, 1748, p. 677. 


STRANGE that among the many Shakespearean critics who must (or 
should) have read this play, and the few who have edited it, not one has 
seen that it contains much that reveals the hands of Beaumont and 
Fletcher ! Yet, although the Birth of Merlin, at first sight, does not 
seem to resemble the dramatic work of these two worthies, a closer 
survey of the play will disclose a very clear connexion with Cupid's 

Like The Mayor of Queenborough, Merlin is a British play, some 
characters Vortiger, Uther Pendragon, Constantius, and Aurelius- 
figuring in both. But, although The Mayor is, in great part, founded on 
quasi-historical sources, the whole of the main plot of Merlin and some 
minor incidents are derived from Sidney's Arcadia, which book also 
furnished the material for Cupid's, Revenge. The two plays use identical 
stories, but the characterisation in both presents some curious diver- 
gencies from the originals. Cupid's Revenge is built upon the episode of 
Plangus (a story that reads so much like a synopsis of a play that it is 
difficult to see how any dramatist could have ignored its obvious appeal). 
But, of the three characters whose emotions and conflicting passions pro- 
vide the main theme of the tragedy, the Duke is drawn from Basilius. 
The British queen with the Arcadian name of Artesia, the principal 
female personage in Merlin, is transformed from an ordinary coquette 
into a Saxon Bacha a woman of lustful and murderous impulse. Again, 
in Cupid's Revenge, the Duke has one daughter chaste and virtuous 
whereas, in Merlin, Donobert, the British lord, has two. In the Arcadia, 
Basilius had two daughters, and, strangely enough, in Merlin there are 
speeches of Donobert that ring with a quite perceptible kingly tone, 
suggesting that the reviser of the play has cut the character of Aurelius 
in half, robbing him of his daughters and leaving him an almost colour- 
less monarch. On the other hand, Edol, in Merlin, not only plays the 
part of Ismenus- in Cupid's Revenge, but also takes some speeches out of 
the mouth of Leucippus, which were probably first uttered by the 
Prince in the play afterwards converted into Merlin. When the parallels 
come to be noted, it will be seen that each play contains speeches that 
M.L. R. xvi. 9 

130 ' The Birth of Merlin ' 

would have been more natural to characters in the other. This also 
points to the one-time existence of a play 'X' which formed the 
basis of both Merlin and Cupid's Revenge, and which, in form, more 
nearly resembled the British drama. 

The important constructive links between the two plays will now be 
traced, following which will come the general parallels. The first acts of 
both The Birth of Merlin and Cupid's Revenge chiefly deal with the 
episode of the two daughters of Basilius, but the main plot is touched 
upon in each case before the act closes by the mention of the absence 
of the Prince (in Merlin, Uter ; in Cupid's Revenge, Leucippus). The 
opening of the first act of Merlin is probably by Fletcher, to whom the 
following speech belongs : 

Would he could tell me .any news of the lost prince, there's 'twenty talents 
offered to him that finds him. 

From the use of the word ' talents,' one may infer that the original play 
was cast for the classic regions of Arcadia and not Britain. 

In the second scene, which contains a fair amount of Beaumont's 
work, the absent Prince is again alluded to : 

Aur. No tidings of our brother yet? 

In the fourth scene of Act I of Cupids Revenge, Leontius asks : 

No news yet of my son ? 
and again : 

Where is the Prince? 

In each case the return of the Prince is so timed as to make it impos- 
sible for him to prevent the marriage (in the case of Leucippus, of his 
father to Bacha ; in the case of Uter, of his brother to Artesia). 

Each royal bridegroom, upon his wedding day, dispenses healths to 
some one. The proffer to Leucippus in Cupid's Revenge is : 

Leon. I have now 

Some near affairs, but I will drink a health 
To thee anon. in ii. 

But the Bacchic invitation given to the Hermit in Merlin is conveyed 
in a lengthier passage, and is noteworthy because it shows that its 
author could not have borrowed from Cupid's Revenge : 

Aur. We'll do thee honour first to pledge my queen. 

H&rm. I drink no healths, great king, and if I did, 
I would be loath to part with health to those 
Who have no power to give it back again. 

It will be seen that the last two lines are remarkably characteristic of 
Beaumont's style. They form, so far as I am aware, no close parallel 


with any others in his acknowledged work, the nearest approach to 
them being, perhaps, in Philaster's speech : 

I would do much to save that noble life: 
Yet would be loath to have posterity, etc. 

In Merlin, the Prince is introduced to his brother's wife as to a 
stranger. He had, however, previously seen her, as is to be gathered 
from some rather hazy passages wherein we are darkly told that, her 
identity unknown, she had appeared to the young man, a beautiful and 
entrancing vision. (In this way, the plot of Merlin still preserves a 
similarity to that of Cupid's Revenge.) The lengthy dialogue that 
follows the introduction is mainly Beaumont's, the most significant 
passage being : 

thou art too near akin, 
And such an act above all name 's a sin 
Not to be blotted out, Heaven pardon me ! 

This might very well have found a place in A King and No King. 

There is the same suggestion of incest in this play as in Cupid's 
Revenge, in which, after her marriage with Leontius, Bacha endeavours 
to renew her intimacy with the son. He refuses, whereupon she resolves 
to betray him to his father, by means of a suggestio falsi. The situation 
in Merlin is not quite so clear. Artesia, too, immediately after her 
marriage with Aurelius, makes overtures to the Prince, but, in the one 
scene where the two are alone, they seem to be playing at cross pur- 
poses. Each appears to be merely pretending to be in love with the 
other. However, the same result is achieved by Artesia as Bacha 
accomplishes, though the methods are somewhat different. As Leucippus 
was betrayed to Leontius, so Uter was to Aurelius. Leucippus was 
accused of promoting plots against the Duke, but no evidence is forth- 
coming in the play that he did so, though dark hints are given that he 
was an unwitting chief of the group of good men opposed to the evil 
rule of Bacha. Uter, however, certainly appears to have conspired 
against his brother, and, when the rupture came, all the worthy British 
lords supported the younger man against the King. In Cupid's Revenge 
the hero is imprisoned and afterwards rescued. In Mgprlin Aurelius 
allies himself with the Saxons to make war on the Prince's party. 

The faction of Artesia, like Bacha's, is defeated, and both these 
wicked consorts are denounced by their opponents, Artesia by Edol, in 
the following passage (Fletcher) : 

Art. You know me, sir? 
Edol. Yes, deadly sin, we know you, 
And shall discover all your villany. Birth of Merlin, in vi. 


132 ' The Birth of Merlin ' 

In Cupid's Revenge (again the poet is Fletcher) : 

Bacha. Do you not know me, lords? 

Nisus. Yes, deadly sin, we know you. v ii. 

Artesia captured, Fletcher, through the mouth of Edol, gives her 

sentence : 

Take her hence, 

And stake her carcase in the burning sun, 
Till it be parch'd and dry, and then flay off 
Her wicked skin and stuff the pelt with straw, 
To ( be shewn up and down at fairs and markets, 
Two pence apiece. The Birth of Merlin, v ii. 

The judgment of Ismenus (again by Fletcher upon) Bacha is as follows : 

I would have thee, in vengeance of this man, whose peace is made in Heaven by 
this time, tied to a post, and dried i' he sun, and after carried about and shewn at 
fairs for money. Cupid's Revenge, v ii. 

But the closing speeches of Cupid's Revenge were by Beaumont, and he 
left the* ultimate disposal of Bacha's carcase to the audience, after she 
herself had bereft her body of life. In each case, it should be noted, the 
death of the monarch is due, directly or indirectly, to his wife. There 
are, however, notable differences in the climaxes of the two plays, and 
the improved close of Cupid's Revenge is alone sufficient to indicate 
which was the later drama. 

The similarity of the two main plots having been shown, attention 
will now be given to the remainder of the remarkable series of parallels 
that connects the two plays : 

He's a jewel worth a kingdom. Birth of Merlin, n ii. 

Be not ashamed, sir ; you are worth a kingdom. Cupid's Revenge, I iv. 

the gods! 

It is a thought that takes away my sleep. Birth of Merlin, n ii. 

'T is a truth 

That takes my sleep away. Cupids Revenge, in ii. 

At the opening of scene iv of the first act of Cupid's Revenge, we have 
the following piece of dialogue by Fletcher : 

Tim. Is your lordship for the wars this summer? 

Ism. Timantus, wilt thou go with me? 

Tim. If I had a company, my lord. 

Ism. Of fiddlers ? Thou a company ! 
No, no ; keep thy company at home and cause cuckolds. 
The wars will hurt thy face .... 
If thou wilt needs go, and go thus, get a case 
For thy captainship, a shower will spoil thee else. 

In The Birth of Merlin, Act II, scene ii : 

Capt. What shall we do with our companies, my lord ? 

Edol. Keep them at home to increase cuckolds, 
And get some cases for your captainships. 
Smooth up your brows, the wars has spoilt your faces. 


This is one of those rare instances where a parallel speech is more 
natural to the character in The Birth of Merlin than it is to the one in 
Cupid's Revenge, for Timantus was a cowardly courtier, and was never 
likely to have had charge of a company in the war. The alliterative 
rendering of the rare proverb (' Company makes cuckolds ') is again 
used by Fletcher in Valentinian, Act n, scene ii : 

Claud. Sirrah, what ails my lady, that of late 
She never cares for company ? 

Marc. I know not, 

Unless it be that company causes cuckolds. 

More close parallels are found in the following extracts : 

Edol. Your gross mistake would make 
Wisdom herself run madding through the streets, 
And quarrel with her shadow. Birth of Merlin, n ii. 

Leuc. The usage I have had, I know, would make 
Wisdom herself run frantic through the streets, 
And Patience quarrel with her shadow. Cupid's Revenge, iv i. 

It must be admitted that Beaumont's thought is much more appro- 
priately spoken by Leucippus than by Edol, who had not experienced 
those intense personal wrongs that wrung from the Prince the beautiful 
figures of distraction. Edol continues : 

Why killed you not that woman ? 

Dono., Glos. O, my lord. 

Edol. The great devil take me quick, had I been by, 
And all the women of the world were barren, 
She should have died, ere he had married her 
On these conditions. 

Cador. It is not reason that directs you thus. 

Edol. Then have I none, for all I have directs me. 

Birth of Merlin^ II ii. 

Beaumont repeats this in Cupid's Revenge, iv i : 

Leuc. Thus she has used me : Is't not a good mother ? 

Ism. Why killed you her not? 

Leuc. The gods forbid it. 

Ism. 'Slight, if all the women in the world were barren, she had died. 

Leuc. But 'tis not reason directs thee thus. 

Ism. Then have I none at all, for all I have directs me. 

At the end of the scene (ii ii) in Merlin, the line 

Veiled with a deeper reach in villany 9 


You have a deeper reach in evil than I. Cupid's Revenge, n ii. 

The first scene in Act III shows the reviser's presence very clearly, 
but it contains at least one Fletcher jest : 

I am even pined away with fretting, there's nothing but flesh and bones about 

134 'The Birth of Merlin ' 

This is repeated in Wit Without Money, v i : 

This morning-prayer has brought me into a consumption ; I have nothing left 
but flesh and bones about me. 

The opening of scene iv is clearly by the writer of Act iv, scene iii of 
Philaster, and the first part of scene vi contains marks of Beaumont, 
while the second portion has such pieces of Fletcher's stuff (the word is 
justified) as * swarms of lousy knaves,' ' You fleering antics,' and 

Ratsbane, do not urge me. 

Ratsbane, get you gone, or Cupid's Revenge, iv i. 

Wildfire and brimstone eat thee. 

Wildfire and brimstone take thee. Cupids Revenge, v ii. 

It will be seen that these parallel passages do not always follow the 
same order in both plays. When reconstructing from ' X ' the more 
finished Cupid's Revenge, the authors evidently ransacked the discarded 
play in a very free and wholesale fashion. For example, the following 
lines from an early scene (n i) in The Birth of Merlin : 

Prince. Ha ! what art thou, that thus rude and boldly 
Darest take notice of a wretch 
So much allied to misery as I am? 

are twice employed, with but slight alteration, in the final scene of 
Cupid's Revenge : 

Leuc. What art thou, that into this dismal place, 
Which nothing could find out but misery, 
Thus boldly step'st? 

Leuc. What worse than mad are you 
That seek out sorrow? 

Again, the couplet that closes scene ii of Act in of Cupid's Revenge : 

Nor shall it be withstood : 
They that begin in lust, must end in blood 

is an alteration of : 

If it be fate, it cannot be withstood : 

We got our crown so, be it lost in blood. Birth of Merlin, iv i. 

There is, however, a much closer copy of this in the final lines of 
Philaster : 

Let princes learn 

By this to rule the passions of their blood, 

For what Heaven wills can never be withstood. 

This play furnishes another parallel with the work under notice in the 
lines : 

Are. Leave us, Philaster. 

Phil. I have done. 

Phar. You are gone. By Heaven, I'll fetch you back. 

Philaster, I ii. 

Glos. No more, son Edwin. 

Edw. I have done, sir : I take my leave. 

Edol. But thou shalt not ; you shall take no leave of me, sir. 

Birth of Merlin, II ii. 


It may be thought that, although there undoubtedly are pieces of 
Beaumont and Fletcher's work in The Birth of Merlin, their presence is 
due to unscrupulous and thinly-disguised theft by some playwright-hack 
from Cupid's Revenge. But, as has been shown, all the parallels are not 
derived from that tragedy, and there are passages in Merlin which, 
though obviously by Beaumont, have no direct correspondence with his 
known work elsewhere. No less important are the slight touches here 
and there that ' give him away.' There is the frequent occurrence of 
' trust me,' a phrase of which Beaumont was fond. There is also the 
strange exclamation, ' Cover me with night/ repeated later in the form, 
* O darkness, cover me.' A version of this, ' Darkness, be thou my cover/ 
occurs in The Coxcomb, which also contains ' The will of Heaven be 
done ! ' a characteristic utterance of Beaumont, repeated in Merlin. 
The marks of Fletcher are quite as distinct. 

Assuming, then, that the passages denoting the presence of Beaumont 
and Fletcher are valid and not foisted into the play by an imitator, and 
recognising the vital links connecting the two plays, it does not require 
a very active imagination to enable one to see what has happened. There 
must have been in existence, before both Cupid's Revenge and The Birth 
of Merlin, a play ' X ' which was the first draft of Cupids Revenge. 
1 X/ probably, did not contain the history of Merlin, though the play 
must have included something akin to it. There are so many points of 
contact between Modestia and Hydaspes, that there can be little doubt 
that 'X' contained the story of Donobert (probably, originally the 
King) and his two daughters. The character of Leontius, afterwards 
shattered by Fletcher (who transforms him into a passion-crazed and 
not very intelligent courtier), corresponds, in the opening act of Cupids 
Revenge, in thought and language, to that of Donobert in The Birth of 
Merlin. ( X ' may not have contained those parts of Merlin dealing with 
Vortiger. They are not very closely connected with the main theme, 
and the length of the cast alone in The Birth of Merlin is sufficient to 
warrant the belief that the original list has been added to. The use of 
the word ' talents ' has already been noticed. One may assume, at least, 
that the scene of ' X ' was laid in Arcadia and not Britain. 

But ' X ' must have contained the triangular story (Leontius Bacha 
Leucippus and Aurelius Artesia Uter). Indeed, this story must 
have bulked far more largely there than in Merlin, where it has every 
appearance of having been lessened. There are unmistakable gaps that 
cannot be satisfactorily explained unless one believes that the tampering 
finger of the adapter has been busy with it. At the end of the second 

136 ' The Birth of Merlin ' 

act of Merlin, the Prince is invited to a meeting with Artesia. Less than 
a fourth, but more than a fifth, of the play in bulk is thrust between 
the invitation and the interview. Part of the intervening matter, 
perhaps, displaced a scene between the two lovers preparatory to the 
fateful interview, and this displaced scene may have put the status of 
the lovers in a clearer light than is evident in The Birth of Merlin. 
' X ' must also have^ contained something that suggested both Zoilus in 
Cupid's Revenge and the juvenile Merlin. There are passages in The 
Birth of Merlin, referring to the infant prodigy, that might be more 
suitably applied to Zoilus. 

In attempting to find a reason for the differences in treatment 
between The Birth of Merlin and Cupid's Revenge, the writer of this 
paper had assumed that the latter was a skilful adaptation of ' X,' and 
that this earlier play had not been destroyed but had merely been laid 
aside, eventually to be farther altered by another dramatist. But 
reference to a contemporary play throws an entirely different light upon 
the problem and makes it appear likely nay, almost certain that the 
alteration of * X ' into The Birth of Merlin was made by Beaumont and 
Fletcher themselves, and this before the appearance of Cupid's Revenge. 
In or before 1605, Day brought upon the stage The Isle of Gulls. This 
is a dramatic rendering of the tale of Basilius in the Arcadia, which 
tale also served as the direct basis of ' X,' and partly of Cupid's Revenge. 
Unknown to one another, it would seem that Beaumont and Fletcher 
and Day were engaged at the same time upon plays with identical 
stories. Day's was the first to see the light, probably early in 1605 it 
was published in 1606. Beaumont and Fletcher's was then completed or 
almost completed. Obviously it would have been inopportune to launch 
it under its existing form. Either the work must have been abandoned 
or so changed as not to bear a close resemblance to The Isle of Gulls. 
This was done by turning the Greek play into a British one ; by giving 
the daughters of Basilius to Donobert ; and by introducing the fabulous 
history of Merlin. For the latter, the dramatists were probably indebted 
to an earlier play, very likely by Greene ; but it is certain that no 
historical sources at their command could have supplied them with the 
characterless effigy of Aurelius. 

A perusal of the two plays The Isle of Gulls and The Birth of 
Merlin will bring to light some half-a-dozen parallel speeches, from 
which it would appear that, for some way at least, Day and Beaumont 
and Fletcher were travelling along the same road. And a jest of the 
clown in Merlin not only dates the play, but gives additional support to 


the theory accounting for its reconstruction. To the question, c What are 
you ? ' the Clown replies (in Act in, sc. i) : 

'A couple of great Britons.' 

There is no point in this remark unless it refers to the Act of October, 
1604, by which the two kingdoms were styled ' Great Britain,' and it is 
obvious that the jest must have been made when the Act was fresh in 

I am aware that The Birth of Merlin is not a convincing specimen 
of Beaumont and Fletcher's work. It is probably the earliest drama of 
theirs that has come down to us, and were it not for the parallels that 
exist between this play and Cupid's Revenge, it is doubtful whether their 
authorship of it would have been detected. However, this does not com- 
prise the whole of the evidence. The play is clearly the work of two 
poets, and in Act II, sc. ii, there is already the promise of that graver 
verse that .was to distinguish Beaumont from Fletcher. For farther 
proof of parentage, there is the unmistakable figure of Edol, that 
characteristic specimen of the military humourist who almost invariably 
supplies the comic relief in -the serious plays of Beaumont and Fletcher. 
As Rowley's name was connected with the work by the publisher, he 
may have revised it for a revival. 





THE present article was suggested by M. Bonnaffe's Dictionnaire des 
Anglicismes which I reviewed for this journal 1 . In my review I said that 
it did not appear to me that the author had quite realized the number 
of English loan-words which crept into French in the eighteenth century, 
and I have put together the following notes to justify my statement. 

I expressed surprise that M. Bonnaffe, in his historical account of 
anglicism in French, has omitted all reference to the Revocation of the 
Edict of Nantes (1685). The French protestant refugees were destined 
to be the most valuable connecting link between England and France. 
In the history of ideas, or rather of the transmission of ideas, their place 
is high. I imagine that, as interpreters in French of English thought 
and English life, as translators into French of English books, they must 
have found Miege's Great French Dictionary a most valuable work of 
reference. M. Bonnaffe, who quotes among his numerous sources Miege's 
New Dictionary, French and English (1677), his Short Dictionary, 
English and French, 2nd ed. (1685), and his Estat present de VAngleterre, 
2 vols (1701-2), does not mention his Great French Dictionary, though 
a glance at his article on falot shows that he has used the French part 
which appeared in 1688. It is, however, the English part, dated 1687, 
which it is particularly important to consult. 

Let us examine the English political and administrative vocabulary 
of the period, a portion of which, in its French dress, was destined to 
play such an important part during the Revolution of 1789. I find in 
M. Bonnaffe's list the following words of which, in each case, I give the 
earliest date he has found of the use in French and, wherever I can do 
so, a still earlier date; adresse (1688, already in Miege 1687), alderman 
(1688) 2 , allegeance (1688), baronnet (1669), bill (1669), comite (1656), 

1 Modern Language Review, xvi, pp. 90 ff. 

2 M. Bonnaffe quotes an instance of the use of this word in 1363 in Anglo-Norman : 
'Face ent assavoir lez Maire et aldermans a la dite citee' (Liber Albus, p. 400). Of course, 
in Anglo-Norman, alderman is found quite early, in a different sense, e.g., c. 1135-47, 
G. Gaimar, VEstorie des Engles, v, 2457 : ' Cheor Palderman les rechacat. ' 


consort (1669), constable (1777, but in the form connetable already in 
Miege 1687), coroner (1688), corporation (167 '2), excise (1688, but already 
in Miege 1687), jury (1688), lady (1669), nobleman (1698), pairesse 
(1698), pondage (1656), queen (1688), quorum (1688), recorder (1687), 
sAm/(1688, but sherif and sous-sherif are in Miege 1687), sir (1779, 
already in Miege 1687), solicitor (1872, already in Miege 1687 solliciteur, 
and solliciteur general repeatedly in the translation of Clarendon, Hist, 
des guerres civiles d'Angl., e.g., i (1704), 182, ii (1704), 62 etc.), speaker 
(1649), steward (1669), test (1688, already in Miege 1687), tonnage 
(1656), tory (1704, already in Miege 1687), verdict (1669), vote, voter 
(1727, but already in 1704 in Clarendon, Hist. d. guerres civ. d'Angl., 
ii, 138, 197, 385, 495 etc.), warrant (1671), whig (1715, already in Miege 
1687), writ (1702). All these words are really of approximately the 
same date; where an earlier date than 1685 has been given to any word, 
it is as a general rule because M. Bonnaffe has found it in Laurens, Un 
subside accorde au roi d'Angleterre, Paris, 1656,- or in Chamberlayne, 
VEstat present d'Angleterre, 2 vols in 12mo, Amsterdam, 1669. 

The way in which Miege translates various words of this class is in 
many ways illuminating. He devoted to them special care and in the 
case of many of them he has added in English long explanations of their 
use. I imagine that few men of his time had such a competent know- 
ledge of the French and English languages ; and it stands out clearly 
that he was at pains to discover purely French equivalents of English 
political and administrative terms. He translates act (of parliament) by 
arret and bill by projet ; now we know that bill as a French word has 
been found in 1685 by the Dictionnaire General and M. Bonnaffe has 
been able to quote it from the Chamberlayne of 1669; acte is also in 
Chamberlayne, i, 106 : ' Sans lequel consentement le bill ou 1'acte du 
parlement n'est qu'un corps sans ame ' ; it must have been an every- 
day word among the French refugees and Miege himself repeatedly uses 
it in other articles of his Dictionary, e.g. : ' Auncel-weight, sorte de poids 
autrefois en usage, mais qui est aboli par acte de parlement.' Acte and 
bill y in speaking of Parliament, are both English loan-words ; one wonders 
why M. Bonnaffe accepts bill but rejects acte. 

Take again the two words address and petition. The Fr. adresse 
offers no difficulty ; M. Bonnaffe admits it as a loan-word, quoting from 
the Gazette de Londres of August 6, 1688: 'addresse tres humble des 
grands jures de la province de Hereford.' In 1687 Miege says : ' On 
appelle aussi addresse (en terme anglois) les requetes par ecrit que le 
parlement lorsq'il est assemble presente de terns en terns au roi ; et en 

140 Loan-words from English in 18th Century French 

general toutes ces soumissions formelles qu'une societe fait au roi par 
des deputez, en des occasions extraordinaires. Du terns des derniers 
parlemens, on appeloit addresses les instructions que les electeurs 
donnoient par ecrit aux membres qu'ils avoient eleus.' M. Bonnaffe 
admits adresse but not petition. But surely petition in sense 3 of the 
Dictionnaire General, 'Requete ecrite aux representants de 1'autorite, aux 
grands corps politiques/ is an anglicism, used particularly in the his- 
torical petition des droits and the still commoner droit de petition ; it is 
in that sense that the word is most vigorous and to which belong the 
derived words petitionnaire, petitionnement and petitionner (the last con- 
sidered new by Necker in 1792). In its English sense, petition had at 
first a rival in requeste which is used by Miege to translate petition ; and 
so requeste is used to render petition in the translation of Clarendon's 
History, i (1704), 157, but both requeste and petition are found in vi 
(1709), 419. And so too with many other words : speaker (of the House 
of Commons) is orateur, president in Miege, and orateur has the same 
sense in the translation of Clarendon. In dealing with the history of 
these English loan-words, it is important to note the various ways in 
which the English idea was rendered ; constable was officially admitted 
to the Dictionnaire de I'Academie in 1835 and has not been found by 
M. Bonnaffe before 1777; but in 1687 Miege says: ' Constable, conne- 
table. Je rends le mot de constable par celui de connetable en frangois, 
parce que c'est le plus court. Je sai bien qu'il y a beaucoup de differ- 
ence dans la charge des conne tables anglois et celle des conne tables de 
France. Mais aussi quand je dis connetable, j'enten tin connetable a 
Fangloise et c'est ce qu'il faut maintenant expliquer...' In writing a 
history of the word constable in French, it is right to quote Miege and 
such texts as the following which show that connetable was used for a 
long time in the sense of the later constable : 

1704. Clarendon^ Hist. d. guerres civ. d'AngL, ii, 75: 'Les juges de paix, en 
execution de cetordre, enjoignirent aux connetables de mettre des corps de garde sur 
le bord de la riviere...' 

1745. [Abbe Le Blanc], Lettres d?un Frangois, i, 112, n. : 'Ces gardes que les 
Anglois appellent connetables et qui font la patrouille de Londres...' 

1789. Dutens, L'Ami des etrangers qui voy agent en Angleterre, p. 41 : * Les conne- ' 
tables... veillent aussi au bon ordre ; ils ont le pouvoir d'arrter les individus.' 

Other important loan-words of the class we are considering have 
been omitted by M. Bonnaffe. 

The French magistrates known as juges de paix were established by 
a law of August 24, 1790, and they have become such an integral part of 
French life that the English origins of the name tend to be forgotten. 
But the following texts will, I think, show them clearly : 


1687. Miege, The Great Fr. Diet., 2nd part: 1 A justice of the peace, juge ou 
justicier de paix. C'est une sorte de magistrature etablie dans les grandes villes et 
autres comrnunautez pour maintenir la paix et pour conoltre des desordres...' 

1704. Clarendon, Hist, des guerres civ. d'Angl.,ii, 74 : 'Us firent dresser un acte 
par le garde du grand sceauportant ordre auxcherifs et jugesde paix, de fairegarder 
les lieux...' 

1729. Boyer, Diet, : ' justice of the peace : juge ou justicier de paix, un 
commissaire de quartier.' 

1745. [L'abbe Le Blanc], Lettres d'un Francois, ii, 152 : * L'homme d'eglise, Phomrne 
de loi, ce qu'on appelle ici le juge de paix, le simple paysan, riche ou pauvre, en un 
mot tout Anglois de quelqu'etat qu'il soit, quitte tout pour la chasse.' 

1750. [P. T. N. Hurtault], Coup d'oeil anglois sur les ceremonies du mariage, 
xxxix : ' En Angleterre, pendant quelque terns, les juges de paix furent charges de 
cette administration . . .' 

1759. L'abbe Expilly, Descr. historique geographique des isles Britanniques, 217 : 
' Tons les aldermanns qui ont ete maires, et les trois plus anciens de ceux qui ne 
sont pas parvenus & cette dignite, ont droit d'exercer 1'office de juge de paix.' 

Another interesting loan-word from English is agitateur, the early 
history of which is indicated by the following texts : 

1687. Miege, The Great Fr. Diet., 2nd part : ' agitator, agent solliciteur. Du 
terns des dernieres guerres civiles, particulierement 1'an 1647, on appeloit agitators 
deux soldats tirez de chaque regiment de 1'armee qui etoit pour lors independants, 
pour solliciter les aftaires de leurs regiments, et pour s'assembler en conseil la-dessus.' 

1709. Clarendon, Hist, des guerr. civ. d'Angl., v, 83 : 'On reconnut que les officiers 
et ceux qu'on appelloit les agitateurs etoient ses creatures et qu'ils ne faisoient et ne 
feroient rien que par son ordre.' 

1729. Boyer, Diet. fr. angl. : 'agitateur s.m. C'est ainsi que dtirant les guerres 
civiles d'Angleterre, on nommoit ceux qui gouvernoient 1'armee parlementaire.' 

1756. Voltaire, Moeurs, 180 : 'Le conseil des agitateurs (en Angleterre).' [This is 
the Diet. Ge'n.'s earliest instance.] 

The origins of agitateur are seen to be clearly English. Later, in the 
Revolutionary period, it became a hackneyed word and constantly recurs 
in the debates of the National Convention; I quote from Bossange's 
edition of 1828 (iii, 235) the following statement made on February 26, 
1793, by the spokesman of a deputation: 'La loi a et6 violee : des 
agitateurs, payes par les ennemis de la republique, ont cherche a exciter 
le peuple.' L. S. Mercier introduces the word in his Neologie (1801), 
i, 17. In an unofficial edition of the Dictionnaire de I'Academie Frangaise 
published by Mon tardier and Leclerc in 1802, agitateur is explained as 
* celui qui excite de 1'agitation, du trouble, de la fermentation dans une 
assemblee politique ou parmi le peuple.' By this time aaiter and agita- 
tion had acquired their political value ; it is interesting to notice that 
in their special political sense, both agiter and agitation are, so to speak, 
derived from agitateur. 

At the time of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, the English 
parliament could be either adjourned or prorogued or dissolved, and the 
action corresponding was called adjournment, prorogation, dissolution. 
Now, if we consider the French words ajourner, ajournement, we find 

142 Loan-words from English in 18th Century French 

that the Dictionnaire General classifies their modern meanings as follows: 
ajourner, (1) to summon (to appear on a fixed day), (2) to put off (to a 
fixed day); ajournement, (1) summons, (2) adjournment (in the English 
sense). Of these meanings, no. 1 of ajourner, ajournement are the only 
ones known to Richelet in 1680 and to Miege in 1688, the only ones 
noted by the Richelet of 1732. But in 1771 the Dictionnaire de Trevoux, 
while still giving ajourner, ajournement their law sense, adds : ' ajourne- 
ment se dit en Angleterre d'une espece de prorogation par laquelle on 
rernet la seance du parlement a un autre temps, toutes choses demeurant 
en etat.' And this use of the words is older, for s ajourner occurs 
repeatedly in 1704 in the translation of Clarendon's History of the Civil 
War, e.g., ii, 108 : ' Ainsi ils resolurent avec plus de raison que la 
chambre s'ajourneroit pour deux ou trois jours...' 

With regard to prorogation, it had existed as a law-term in French 
from the Middle Ages, and eighteenth-century dictionaries quote such 
expressions as prorogation de grace, prorogation d'enquete, prorogation de 
compromis, prorogation de juridiction. Proroger was also a law-term. 
But Miege in 1687 already gives the new meaning: ' to prorogue the 
parliament, proroger le parlement, le renvoyer a une autre fin ; proroga- 
tion, prorogation, renvoi, as the prorogation of Parliament, la prorogation 
du parlement...' Better still, in 1688, he inserts in the French-English 
part of his dictionary the Fr. prorogation and proroger and quotes as 
instances of their use : la prorogation du parlement d' Angleterre, proroger 
le parlement d' Angleterre. We read in the index to the fifth volume of 
the translation of Clarendon, published in 1709: 'Leur parlement est 
proroge jusqu'au mois d'Octobre.' Under the heading prorogation, the 
Dictionnaire de Trevoux (1771) says : ' En parlant des affaires d' Angleterre 
on appelle prorogation du parlement, Fordre que le roi donne d'inter- 
rompre les seances du parlement pour ne recommencer qu'a un certain 
jour ' ; and at proroger : 'On dit aussi en Angleterre que le roi a proroge 
son parlement pour dire qu'il a remis les seances a une autre saison 1 ' 
(Diet, de I'Acad., 4th ed., 1762). 

Miege in 1687 translates the parliament is dissolved by le parlement 
est casse and the dissolution of parliament by la cassation du parlement. 
In the translation of Clarendon, i (1704), 5, casser is used and in the 
index we find cassation du troisieme parlement. But in the index to 
volume vi (1709) we have le parlement est dissipe and il est dissous en 

1 Cf. Linguet, Annales politiqtLes, civiles et littdraires, 15 vols, 1777-83, vi, 177, note: 
' Proroger en ce sens (jour de la prorogation de cette compagnie) est un mot anglais que 
nous avons adopts ; parrai nous, la prorogation d'un commandement, d'une assemblee en 
indique la continuation ; et chez nos voisins la fin, la cloture. ' 


fevrier 1655, and again une amnistie pour tout ce qui setoit passe dans la 
dissolution de ce parlement. Other words used at various times are 
separer and rompre. In 1729 Boyer translates to dissolve the parliament 
by casser ou dissoudre le parlement. But the dictionaries published in 
France in the eighteenth century in no case insert dissoudre and disso- 
lution in their parliamentary sense. And in the parliamentary sense 
ajourner and ajournernent, dissoudre and dissolution, proroger and proro- 
gation are anglicisms ; their Latin or French origin, their French form, 
their adaptation to the expression of French parliamentary life, account 
for the fact that the English origin tends to be obscured. It is curious 
to see how they straggled into French official dictionaries at quite 
different times, and it is important to note that although they were 
originally parliamentary terms, these words have subsequently gained 
further ground; ajourner has now got the general sense of put of: 
ajourner une discussion, une affaire, une entreprise. 

And many other words crept in during the course of the eighteenth 
century. M. Bonnaffe has very properly included the word session. 
Prof. Brunot in his preface expresses surprise : ' Malgre le Dictionnaire 
General et les autres, il est possible que session, malgr6 sa physionomie 
latine, nous soit venu d'Angleterre.' And yet nothing is more certain 
than that session in the sense of ' sitting of parliament ' is an anglicism. 
The O.F. session need not trouble us here. The first sense in which 
session was inserted in a French dictionary was that of ' sitting of an 
ecclesiastical council'; it will be found in the second volume of Richelet's 
dictionary published in 1679 at Geneva, and Richelet had found it in 
the works of Patru (1604 1681 ). M. Bonnatfe has discovered an isolated 
instance of session as an anglicism in 1657 in Du Gard, Nouvelles ordi- 
naires de Londres, p. 1410: 'Les assises ou sessions ordinaires s'etant 
tenues a Old Baily.' But he has not found session in the sense of 'sitting 
of parliament ' until 1 765 when it was used in the Encyclopedic. The 
reason is that Miege and the rest used seance ; but even in the parlia- 
mentary sense session is found in Clarendon, Hist, des guerres civiles 
d'Angleterre, vi (1709), 433: 'Cromwell... les remercia de leur bonne 
correspondance pendant la derniere session...' And in tllfe 1798 edition 
of the Dictionnaire de I'Acaddmie we read : ' Le parlement d'Angleterre 
a une session tous les ans.' 

The words convention, conventionnel gained notoriety during the French 
Revolution. Now the name of the Convention Nationale was undoubtedly 
due to the influence of the Convention parliament of 1688 reinforced by 
that of the American Constitutional Convention of 1787. In 1709 we 

144 Loan-words from English in 18 th Century French 

already find in Clarendon, Hist des guerres civiles d'Angl, v, 437 : 'Un 
memoire qu'elle leur avoit presente comme le modele d'un nouveau 
gouvernement qui etoit appele la convention du peuple' :, cf. also vi, 739 : 
la Convention as the name of the parliament of 1660 ; and in 1729 Boyer 
in his dictionary has : ' Convention s. (or publick meeting). Assemblee des 
etats; en parlant des affaires d'Angleterre on peut se servir du mot de con- 
vention/ and again : ' Conventioner s. Membre d'une assemblee des estats.'* 

The Dictionnaire General recognized that majorite, minorite in the 
sense of 'the greater number/ 'the smaller number,' were anglicisms, but 
wrongly wrote down minorite as a nineteenth-century neologism. 
M. Bonnaffe does not include either of these remarks in his book. Their 
new meanings became usual during the Revolution, instances of 1793 
will be found in Bossange's 1828 edition of the Debates of the National 
Convention, iii, 11 etc. (majorite}, 57 etc. (minorite). The earliest instance 
of majorit^ I know is still the one found in a letter of Voltaire to 
D'Alembert of July 21, 1760, and given in Littre. The word is probably 
older. The first instance of the English majority in the sense required 
is given in the N.E.D. as 1691 ; but earlier instances are in Locke's Of 
Civil Government, in Works, ed. 1824, iv, 395 : ' by the will and deter- 
mination of the majority' and passim. It would not surprise me that 
Locke himself furnished the source from which the new sense of the Fr. 
majorite was ultimately derived. 

And while we are speaking of Locke, whose influence in eighteenth- 
century France was so marked, we may turn our attention to chapter xii 
of the tract Of Civil Government, entitled : 'Of the legislative, executive 
and federative power of the commonwealth.' The French adjectives 
corresponding to those of this title have been accepted officially by the 
Dictionnaire de I' Academic in the following order: legislatif in 1718, 
federatifin 1798, executif in 1835. The reasons for this curious order of 
admission are not far to seek. The Dictionnaire General has found the 
Fr. legislatif in the fourteenth century in the works of Oresme, it would 
be more to the point for our purpose, but also more difficult, to quote an 
instance of the sixteenth and particularly of the seventeenth century. It 
is certainly unknown to such lexicographers as Cotgrave and Miege. 
But the following texts show its use between the first (1694) and the 
second (1718) editions of the Diet, de V Academic- : 

1700. Nouv. de la Republ. des Lettres, Sept., p. 262 : * Que le pouvoir legislatif 
raporteroit 1'execution des lois au magistral...' 

1706. Barbeyrac, Le Droit de la Nature et des Gens (translated from Pufendorf) 
ii, 231 : 'La souverainete, en tant qu'elle prescrit des regies generates pour la 
conduite de la vie civile s'appelle pouvoir le'gislatif...' 


On the other hand, Miege in 1687 translates legislative power by 'pouvoir 
de faire des loix.' Turning now to federatif, we find that it was used by 
Montesquieu in the Esprit des Lois (1748) in republique federative, 
constitution federative. Lastly the idea of executive power is expressed by 
Barbeyrac in 1706 by pouvoir coactif, pouvoir executeur, puissance 
executrice, and the last expression is invariably used by Montesquieu in 
1748. It was Rousseau who, in the Contrat Social of 1761, criticized Mon- 
tesquieu's use of puissance executrice (see Political Works, ed. Vaughan, 
i, 499, note) and adopted for himself pouvoir executif, puissance executive. 

The English word legislature is quoted by the N.E.D. from 1676. 
I had suggested in the Revue de philologie francaise, xxvii (1913), 255, 
that the Fr. legislature is borrowed from it. I then gave two instances 
of its use, one, of 1787, from Delolme's Constitution de I'Angleterre and 
one, of 1789, from Mirabeau's Commerce des etats americains (a transla- 
tion from Lord Sheffield). I can now quote two of 1745 from the Lettres 
d'un Francois of 1'abbe Le Blanc, said to have been written in England 
between 1737 and 1744: 'Un gouvernement mixte, compose du mo- 
narchique, de 1'aristocratique et du democratique de fa$on que chaque 
partie de la legislature se reponde et se contrebalance mutuellement' (i, 
131). 'Parce qu'ils (les non-conformistes) voyent a regret les eveques par- 
tager avec les grands du royaume une partie de la legislature' (ii, 279). 

Here also must be added the political use of constitution (Miege in 
1687 translates 'the constitution of the government' by la disposition 
du gouvernement), constitutional (1775 Beaumarchais, CEuvres, ed. 1809, 
iv, 455: 'formes constitutionnelles '), constitutionnellement, inconstitu- 
tionnel (1778 Linguet, Ann. etc. iii, 500 : 'demande illegale, et selori 
1'idiome breton, inconstitutionnelle '), inconstitutionnellement (1783 
Linguet, Ann. etc. xv, 22). 

It is not possible here to examine the whole of the French vocabu- 
lary of this class. Let it suffice to say that not only jury, but jure, 
'juryman' (from 1687 Miege), the technical sense of message, such 
parliamentary words as commission, debat, motion, opposition, the adj. 
representatif in gouvernement representatif (the subst. representatif in 
the sense of representant also occurs in the eighteenth century), the 
political sense of influence : 

1780. Linguet, Ann. polit., civ. et litt., ix, 38 : 'Une majorite invincible et la 
triomphante influence qui sera toujours le vrai ressort de ce qui s'appelle repub- 

and influencer : 

1787. Delolme, Constitution de VAngL, ii, 16 n. : ' Appele a 1'ordre comme voulant 
influencer le debat.' 

M. L. R. XVI. 


146 Loan-words from English in '18th Century French 

1792. Necker, Pouvoir executif, ii, 205 : ' On introduit chaque jour de nouveaux 
verbes : inftuencer, utiliser. 3 

1793. Debats de la Conv. Nat., ed. Bossange, 1828, iv, 322 : ' Influence!* 

it i i s , O 7 


1798. Accepted by the Academy 

the word ordre in a I' ordre, rappeler d I'ordre, ordre du jour (see above 
the extract from Delolme) and many others are to be traced back to 
English use. Whole phrases like rappeler d I'ordre or prendre en con- 
sideration were definitely naturalized in the assemblies of the Revolu- 
tion ; such expressions as droits de Vhomme : 

1748. Burlamaqui, Princ. du droit naturel, i, 104 : ' Fondement general des 
droits de Phomme.' 

and majeste da peuple became common. Of the latter the following 
instances will be found interesting : 

1745. [Abb Le Blanc], Lettres d'un Francois, ii, 352 : ' Lorsque Cromwell relevoit 
la majeste du peuple anglois, il le tenoit dans les fers.' 

1774. Grosley, Londres, i, 92 : ' II fut traite en hornme qui auroit attente & la 
majeste du peuple anglois.' 

1783. Raynal, Hist, philosophique et politique...des Europeens dans les Indes, x, 
263 : * Ce sont les Anglois qui ont dit les premiers, la majeste du peuple, et ce seul 
inot consacre une langue.' 

Nor should it be forgotten that the refugees were interested in 
English history: that Miege's Estat present de I'Angleterre (1702) and 
still more Rapin de Thoyras' Histoire d'Angleterre (1724) were among 
the books which contributed most to make England known and under- 
stood on the Continent in the first half of the eighteenth century. In 
the works of the refugee pamphleteers, journalists and translators we 
find chancelier de Udchiquier, statut de pre>nnnire, haissier d la verge 
noire, juge d'assise, commission d'oyer et de ter miner, ship-money and a 
host of other expressions which came from England. And it seems to 
me that M. Bonnaffe, who has taken to his bosom whig and tory and 
even cromwellien, cromwelliste and cromwellisme, might have made room 
for historical words like heptarchie, cavalier, tite ronde, parlement crou- 
pion,chambre etoilee, covenant and covenantaire,protecteur, lord protecteur 
and protectorat, habeas corpus, Jacobite, pretendant and many others. 
These words are no more obsolete in French than they are in English. 

By the nature of the case, the refugees of 1685 interested them- 
selves in English religious life ; and by the enormous polemical and 
journalistic literature they were responsible for, they helped to intro- 
duce new religious terms into the French vocabulary. The words 
papiste and papisme had been used to a limited extent by the Huguenots 
in the sixteenth century but neither of them is noted by Cotgrave 
(1611); on the other hand, I find papiste in J. de la Montaigne, La Voye 


Seure (transl. in 1645 from the English of Humfrey Linde), p. 157 and 
passim, and romaniste in his Voye Asseuree (fcransl. likewise from Linde 
in 1645), p. 297. Certain it is that papiste and papisme had a great 
recrudescence of favour after 1685 and were useful to the eighteenth- 
century philosophes ; the use of papistique is to be noted : 

1704. Clarendon, Hist, des guerres civ. d'Angl., ii, 70 : ' Bannir des eglises 
d'Angleterre, les eVques, et le livre des communes prieres, comme impies et 

1708. Nouvelles de la Republ. des Lettres, Janvier, p. 21 : ' Est-il fort e"tonnant 
que dans 1'espace de pres de deux siecles, trois ou quatre docteurs se soient un pen 
ecartez, et ayerit insere dans leurs livres quelques dogmes papistiques, generalement 
condamnez par tous les autres?' 

1771. Diet, de Treooux quotes formulaire papistique from Bayle. 

1780. Linguet, Ann. polit., civ. et litte'raires, ix, 88 : ' L'invasion papistique pour 
me servir de leur terme' (des Anglais). 

1801. Mercier, Neologie, ii, 166 :' idolatrie papistique.' 

One cannot help suspecting even the word catholicisme. The 
Dictionnaire General found it for the first time in Voltaire's Lettres sur 
les Anglais (1734): 'Toutes les sectes d'Angleterre... sont reunies contre 
le catholicisme, leur ennemi commun.' The word occurs, however, in 
the Nouvelles de la Republique des Lettres of February 1687, p. 129: 
* C'est aller contre la regie commune du catholicisme...' in a review of 
a catholic work on transubstantiation published in London in 1686 for 
Jean Cailloue 1 . Certainly Miege (1687) and Boyer (1729) translate the 
Engl. Catholicism by the Fr. catholicite which had been in use from the 
end of the sixteenth century. As the Engl. Catholicism, was relatively 
recent, it is difficult to be sure of one's ground and it is better to await 
for further text evidence which may help to decide 2 . 

Of religious words, M. Bonnaffe includes : 

(1) quaker of which he gives an early instance of 1657 from Du 
Gard, Nouv. ord. de Londres, ii, 1453 ; special articles might be devoted 
to the equivalent trembleur and the later ami', (2) quakerisme, quoted 
from 1755, but already in 1701 in the Nouv. de la Rep. des Lettres, Mai, 
p. 584: 'abjurer le quakerisme'; (3) non-conformiste, quoted from 1688, 
but already in Miege (1687) ; (4) dissenter, quoted from 1702, but also 
in Miege (1687). 

But the following are omitted : * 

(1) conformiste, conformite, non-conformite (all in Miege, 1687); 
(2) puritain (Miege, 1687); puritanisme (Did. Gen., 1691); (3) presby- 
terien, independant, brouniste, barrouiste, separatiste (all in [Nicole], Les 

1 Two isolated instances of catJiolicisme are to be found in Marnix de Ste Oldegonde, Des 
diffe'rents de la religion, ed. Quinet, e.g., i, p. 232: ' La conversion du roy au catholicisme.' 

2 Cf. in a letter of Congreve dated Jan. 16, 1715, translated in (Euvres de Pope, ed. 
1754, iv, 349 : ' Avec mon catholicisme et ma poesie...' 


148 Loan-words from English in 18th Century French 

pretenduz reformez convaincus de schisme (1684), p. 613) ; (4) presby- 
terianisme, independantisme (1708 Nouv. de la Republ. des Lettres,, 
Janv., p. 613) ; (5) robinsonien, latitudinaire, leveller, ranter, etc. Nor 
is it true to say that these words are obsolete or that their use in 
French is not continuous. The fact that, with the limited means at my 
disposal, I can quote the following instances of one of the rarest of them 
will convince M. Bonnaffe who very properly relies on written texts for 
his proofs : 

1687. Miege : 'ranter, a sect so-called. C'est le nom d'une secte, proche parente 
de celle qu'on nomme the family of love.'' 

1708. Nouv. de la Republ. des Lettres, Janvier, p. 13 : 'II parle entr'autres d'une 
certaine secte, sortie du sein des Independants et appelee la secte des ranters.' 

1797. Barclay, Apologie de la vraie religion chretienne, transl. by E. P. Bridel, 
p. 270 : 'Certainement cela approche de tres pres le blaspheme horrible des ranteurs 
ou libertins qui assurent qu'il n'y a point de difference entre le bien et le mal...' 

1830-1. W. Scott, (Euvres, trad, par Defauconpret, ed. 1839, xx ( Woodstock}, 
p. 57 : 'Que sont les mugglemans, les ranters, les brounistes? Des sectaires.' 

1860. E. D. Forgues, Originaux et beaux-esprits de VAngleterre contemporaine, 
ii, 221 : 'Bulwer a decoche plus d'une epigramine aceree centre les ranters, les- 
canters de la vieille Angleterre.' 

Not only are such expressions as livre des communes prieres and 
conventicule de non-conformistes common with the refugees, but there 
occur in Miege (1687) and in the literature of religious controversy of 
the time words like ubiquitaire (already used in the sixteenth century), 
ubiquite (1st ex. of 1812 in the Diet. Gen.) ; millenaire, chiliaste, homme 
de la cinquieme monarchic ; preexister and preexistence ; consubstantia- 
tion (not found by the Diet. Gen. before 1754); non-resistance (1701 
Nouv. de la Republ. des Lettres, p. 464) and many others. 

M. Bonnaffe includes as anglicisms pantheisme and pantheiste, and 
rightly. But what of theisme and theiste ? The Engl. theist is quoted by 
the N.E.D. from 1662 and theism from 1678. The following passage is- 
interesting from various points of view : 

1705. Nouv. de la Republ. des Lettres, Oct., p. 398: 'M. Leclerc vient de se 
servir du mot de theistes dans son septieme tome de la Bibliotheque choisie, pour 
signifier ceux qui croyent 1'existence d'un Dieu et pour les opposer aux athees. Je 
me suis servi dans quelque endroit de ces Nouvelles du mot de deiste dans le m6me 
sens. Ce dernier est frangois depuis longtemps ; mais il a un sens different de celui 
que je lui ai donne, ce qui est incommode, et qui peut faire une equivoque. Celui 
de theiste est tout nouveau et d'autant plus propre qu'il n'a encore aucune autre 
signification. Les Anglois sont beaucoup plus hardis que nous. Us ne font point 
de difficult^ de forger des mots nouveaux toutes les fois qu'ils en ont besoin.' 

Quite among the most important words which have an English 
source, I should place libre-penseur, libre-pensee, liberte de pensee. To 
include pudding and pie and omit libre-pensee appears fo me to falsify 
the right notion of what English influence on French has been. It is 
interesting to observe that the word penseur itself only becomes usua. 


in the second half of the eighteenth century ; Gohin, in his Transforma- 
tions de la langue frangaise durant la seconde moitie du xviii e siecle 
(1903), quotes Dorat for its use as a substantive and Jean Jacques 
Rousseau's Confessions for the adjectival use ; it was accepted by the 
Academy in 1798 ; one wonders whether it is a reflex of the Engl. thinker 
which Boyer in 1729 translates by 'un homme qui pense beaucoup.' 
However that may be, the translation or adaptation into French of 
freethinker and freethinking evidently caused difficulty. Boyer's article 
in 1729 is worth reading and shows how easily the word could take a 
favourable or unfavourable meaning : 

Freethinker s. (one that thinks freely and judges for himself, in matters of 
religion). Celui ou celle qui pense librement, en matiere de religion. 11 se prend 
^ '^rdinaire en mauvaise part et alors il signifie un esprit fort, un libertin. 

Freethinking s. Libertin age d'esprit, esprit fort ; le contraire de la bigoterie, du 

d'ordinaire en mauvaise part et alors il signifie un esprit fort, un libertin. 

sprit, esprit fort ; le 
fanatisme et de la superstition. M. Toland pretends that freethinking was the 

grand principle of the Reformation. M. Toland pretend que 1'esprit fort etoit le 
grand principe de la reformation. 

In 1860 E. D. Forgues, in his Originaux et beaux esprits de I'Angl. 
contemp., tells us that 'Voltaire s'illustrait en rapportant d'Angleterre 
les idees des freethinkers.' Voltaire himself says francs-pensans (cf. 
franc-macon < Engl. freemason, franc-tenancier < Engl. freeholder) and 
his use of this word is noted by Mercier, Neologie (1801), 282. The 
equivalent franc-penseur was used right into the nineteenth century. 
In his Lettres d'un Francois (1745), 1'abbe Le Blanc says esprit libre (i, 
52) and penser librement (ii, 280). Chambaud and Robinet's Dictionary 
(1776), ii, 220, translates freethinker by 'Celui ou celle qui pense libre- 
ment, penseur libre, esprit fort' and freethinking by 'liberte de penser.' 
A periodical which only had three numbers, called Le Libre-penseur,wa,s 
published about 1796 by J. G. Locre. The following passage from Beat 
de Muralt's Lettres sur les Anglois et les Francois (1725), ed. 1726, 
i, 4: 'C'est aussi ce qui leur donne (i.e. aux Anglois) une certaine liberte 
de pensees et de sentimens qui ne contribue pas peu au bon sens qu'on 
trouve chez eux...' is all the more arresting that the work was probably 
written in 1694 or 1695. One may also quote the following: 'La 
friponnerie latque des pretendus esprits forts d'Angleterre Q^L Remarques 
de Phileleuthere de Leipzig (i.e. Richard Bentley) sur le Discours de la 
liberte de penser traduit de I'anglois par N.N. (i.e. Armand de La 
Chapelle). Amsterdam, Wetstein, 1738, in 12.' Bentley's Remarks on 
the Late discourse of Freethinking (by A. Collins) appeared in English in 

(To be continued.) 




I PASS on to a somewhat fuller treatment of the texts themselves. 
The following list contains particulars of all the more important ballets 
performed in Sweden that attained the distinction of print Only three 
are Omitted : a fragment of a ballet performed on Carl XI' s birthday 
(November 24) 1662 ; a ballet in four entries introduced into the 
dramatisation of Stiernhielm's poem of Hercules, performed in 1669 ; 
and a fragmentary Ballet mesle de chants heroiques, of which a Swedish 
version also exists, performed on February 6, 1701, as part of the festi- 
vities celebrating the victory of Narva. The title of this last piece is 
interesting as showing that by this time an attempt was being made 
to separate the dances altogether from the spoken parts of the ballet. 
Here too we find the first mention of pantomime 1 . In Ekeblad, Juul, and 
other sources we find notices of several pieces which have not come down 
to us, and a search through the various collections of the archives and 
libraries of Stockholm and Uppsala would almost certainly result in the 
discovery of several unprinted MSS. of ballets : the matter has not yet 
been deemed worthy of attention by any Swedish writer. One unprinted 
piece, entitled Le Ballet de la Diversite de la Fortune, will be found among 
the MSS. and early printed editions in the Palmskiold collection of the 
University Library of Uppsala 2 . 


_.,, Date and occasion Particulars of 

of performance publication 

Le Ballet desPlaizirs ? , Jan. 28, 1638. In honour Small 4to, 8 pp. 

de la Vie des En- of Maria Eleonora, Stockholm, II. 

fans sans Soucy but really to amuse Keyser, 1638. 


f Le Balet du Cours ? Nov. 30, 1642. Wedding Small 4to, 12 pp. 

du Monde of Frederick of Baden [Stockholm, Key- 

and Princess Christina ser, 1642.] 

Ballet vom Lauff der ? of the Palatinate. Small 4to, 12 pp. 

I Welt Stockholm, Key- 
ser, 1642. 

1 Ljunggren, p. 452. 2 Handskr. Palmsk. 14, pp. 255-6. 

3 All the ballets were danced at Stockholm, either in the ballet-hall or in the Rikssal. 




{ Balet des Phantaisies 
de ce Temps 

Balet, Om tlienna 
\ tijdzens fantasier 

Le Monde reiovi 

Balet, Om Heela 
Wardenes Frogd 

Boutade('Les Effects 
de 1' Amour ') 

L'Amour Constant 

Les Passions Victori- 
euses et Vaincues 


? Stiernhielm 

? Stiernhielm 

Le S r de Mont- 
huchet ' 

Le Vaincu de Diane Helie Poirier 

Die tiberwundene ? 


Then fangne Cupido G. Stiernhielm 

a Naissance de la 

Des Friedens Ge- 


Les Boutades ou 

Helie Poirier 

J. Freinshemius 
G. Stiernhielm 

Date and occasion 
of performance 

Dec. 8, 1643. Queen 
Christina's birthday. 

Jan. 1,1645. Christina's 
assumption of the 
reins of government. 

June 28, 1646. No 
special occasion. 

Sept. 6, 1646. Wedding 
of Frederick of Hessen 
and Princess Eleonora 
of the Palatinate. 

April 4, 1649. Before 
Christina and the 
Queen -Mother. In 
honour of Maria Eleo- 
nora's recent return 
from Germany. New 
ballet - hall inaugu- 

Nov. 1 and 11, 1649. In 
honour of Maria Eleo- 
nora, lately returned 
from abroad. 

Dec. 8, 1649. Celebrates 
the Peace of West- 
phalia. Christina's 

March 3, 1650. Before 
the two queens. 

Particulars of 

4to, 8 pp. [Stock- 
holm, Keyser, 

4to, 8 pp. [Stock- 
holm, Keyser, 

4to, 28pp. [Stock- 
holm, Keyser, 

4to,24pp. [Stock- 
holm, Keyser, 

Large 4to, 10 pp. 
[Stockholm, Key- 
ser, 1646.1 

4to, 20pp. [Stock- 
holm, Keyser, 

Folio, 22 pp. Stock- 
holm, J. Jans- 
sonius, 1649. 

Folio, 22 pp. Stock- 
holm, Janssonius, 
1649 (twice). 

Folio, 22 pp. Stock- 
holm, Janssonius, 

Folio, 22 pp. Stock- 
holm, Keyser, 
1649 (and in 
editions of S.'s 
works from 1668 

Folio, 16 pp. Stock- 
holm, Janssonius, 

Folio, 14 pp. [Stock- 
Jaolm, Keyser, 

Folio, 16 pp. Stock- 
holm, Keyser, 
1649 (and in 
editions of S.'s 

Folio, 14 pp. Stock- 
holm, Janssonius, 

152 Court Masquerades in Sweden in the 17 th Century 


Le Parnasse Tri- 

Der Triumfierende 

Parnassus Trium- 

Les Liberalitez des 

La Masquarade des 

Ballet beginning 
' Mars introduisant 
les Chevaliers du 
Combat de Bar- 

Le Balet de la 


G. Stiernhielm 


Date and occasion 
of performance 

Jan. 9, 1 65 1 , and repeated 
soon afterwards. Ori- 

S'nally intended for 
hristiua's coronation 
(Oct. 1650). Post- 
poned to her birthday 
(Dec. 8), then to New 

Dec. 8, 1652. Christina's 

? 1653. No title, place, 
or year. 

Dec. 8, 1653. Christina's 

Particulars of 

Folio, 24 pp. Stock- 
holm, Janssonius, 

Folio,16pp. [Stock- 
holm, Janssonius, 

Folio, 16 pp. Stock- 
holm, Janssonius, 
1651 (and in 
editions of S.'s 

Small 4to, 24 pp. 
Stockholm, Jans- 
sonius, 1652. Re- 
printed in part 
in Chevreau's 
Poesies (Paris, 

Small 4to, 8 pp. 
[Stockholm, Jans- 

Small 4to, 8 pp. 
[Stockholm, Jans- 
sonius, 1653.] 


Den Stoora Genius Erik Lindschold 

sonius,1654. Also 
1656), pp. 120 ff. 
irlXI's Small 4to, 42 pp. 
Stockholm, N. 

Urbain Oct. 28 and Nov. 7,1654. Small 4to, 24 pp. 

Chevreau Part of the ceremonies Stockholm, Jans- 

associated with the 
wedding of Carl X 
and the coronation of 
Queen Hedvig. 
Nov. 24, 1669. C 
fifteenth birthday. 

Wankijff, 1669. 
Reprinted in Han- 
selli's edition of 
the collected 
works of E. Lind- 
schold, Uppsala, 

The first two pieces in the list need not detain us long. They belong 
to a period when the ballet had not yet become fully acclimatized at the 
Swedish court, and are of the commonest French pattern, consisting 
simply of a series of disconnected entries. Le Ballet des Plaizirs de 
la Vie des Enfans sans Soucy is said to have been performed ' avec grand 
con ten tern ent de tout le monde qui le regardoint (sic\).' Among these 
spectators was Christina, then twelve years old. The piece consists 
of thirteen short entries in verse, and there is no grand ballet. The 
characters of the entries are: (1) Les Volontaires aux Dames. (2) Les 
Mores preneurs de Tabak. (3) Le Joueur. (4) La courtizane double. 

P. J. FIELDEN 153 

(5) Le Capitaine Suedois. (6) L'Espagnon. (7) Le Joueur (each time 
represented by Antoine de Beaulieu). (8) Les Bergers. (9) Les Chasseurs 
(Prince Carl and Magnus de la Gardie). (10) Les Satires. (11) Le Mercure. 
(12) Les Nymphes. (13) Les protecteurs des Nymphes. The Ballet du 
Cours du Monde seems to be intended as a kind of general panorama of 
life. The persons include : The Genius of the fountain, Amazons, old 
men in love, witches, the old men rejuvenated, an Italian guitar-player, 
Jason carrying off the Golden Fleece, representatives of various nations 
(a very favourite form of entry), the gods giving life to the five dead 
nations, etc., etc., eighteen entries in all, with a grand ballet at the end 
addressed to the queen, to the newly- married pair, and to the ladies in 
general. This ballet was danced in the Rikssal, in which special galleries 
were built for the occasion. They were not constructed solidly enough, 
however, and the one containing the musicians came down during the 
performance. The State had to pay one Anders Kirchhof, a musician, 
the sum of thirty daler wherewith to replace a flddle broken in the fall. 
The musicians were dressed in taffeta, half lemon-yellow and half blue 
(the Swedish colours) 1 . 

The Balet des Phantaisies de ce Temps marks no advance in con- 
struction, but some of the entries are interesting. There are fourteen of 
these, and a grand ballet. The ballet is opened by Le Postilion (the 
name of the character is omitted in S. 2 ), who flies everywhere to carry 
the news that the Queen of the North will become the greatest of 
sovereigns. Next come Le Cabarettier avec sa femme, sa servante, et son 
valet (cp. Shirley, Triumph of Peace). The inn-keeper remarks that 
Rhenish wine is dear now, but on the day when some young prince wins 
the love of their queen he will let a fountain of it flow (and treat every- 
body S.). Entries 3-6 are of the Cook ( Jonson, Neptune's Triumph), the 
Beggars (Shirley), the Merchant, and the Inconstant Lover with four 
Nymphs. The seventh entry is of Les Sauuages ( Willmdnne S.). They 
are driven out of their woods by love, and come to see if the ladies 
are also subject to his attacks (and can help them S.). It is interesting 
to note this reappearance of the c wodewose ' of the earlier masquerades. 
The famous Ballet des Ardents (1392) was really a dance'of 'wild men 3 ,' 
and they frequently occur in the English disguisings 4 . Entries 8-10 and 

1 Slottsbok and Rantekammarebok for 1642, quoted by Jacobsson and Gronstedt. 

2 Where more than one text exists, S. the Swedish, F. = the French, and G. = the 
German version. 

3 Lacroix, i, Introd., p. xi. 

4 Eeyher, pp. 2 f.; Brotanek, p. 3; E. K. Chambers, The Medieval Stage, i, p. 185 

154 Court Masquerades in Sweden in the 17 th Century 

12-14 are not remarkable, but the eleventh is rather curious. The French 
title is Les Espiegles, and the whole entry runs 

Quand nous voulons nous diuertir, 
Nous faisons des tours de souplesse 
Dont Mercure auec sa finesse 
Ne scauroit pas se garentir. 

The Swedish has four lines to much the same effect, but the entry 
is headed Uhr Speglarna, which Ljunggren takes to be a distortion 
or mistranslation of the German Eulenspiegel (cp. the ' Howleglass ' 
of Jonson's Fortunate Isles}. The grand ballet of this piece celebrates 
the fair day when Lucina presided at Christina's birth, and promises that 
it shall always be commemorated, sometimes with dances, sometimes 
with tourneys a promise which was very faithfully kept. 

In Le Monde reiovi there is more unity and the whole piece is much 
more elaborate. The ballet represents ' the joy of the whole world * 
at the happy beginning of Christina's reign. 

There are three parts (twenty-four entries + grand ballet}, with a prose description 
of the contents of each. Part I describes 'la resjouissance du ciel,' part II 'la 
resjouissance de la mer,' and part III 'la resjouissance de la terre.' The characters 
of I and II are mythological : III has more variety arid interest. The scene changes 
back to earth, and two Neivsmongers proclaim that Her Majesty has assumed the 
government. A Frenchman, an Englishman, and a Dutchman as allies of Sweden 
rejoice at the news. The Englishman comes out of a sweetmeat- shop, and says that 
he is more glad to receive this news than he would be at a present of ' un pot de 
confitures.' The Swedish text here adds four lines to the effect that though Elizabeth 
ruled England well and prospered in all she undertook, she will now be eclipsed by 
Christina. Pan incites the inhabitants of woods and fields to rejoice. Shepherds and 
shepherdesses and Diana come and do so. This is a somewhat lengthy entry, and a 
rather pretty scene is conjured up. Diana's nymphs relate how one day, when they 
had been hunting and had been outstripped by their mistress, they sounded their 
horns for her and a figure approached which at first they took for Diana, but which 
on a closer examination proved to be more like Bellona. (Needless to say, it was 
actually Christina.) Four slaves, representing princes oppressed by Germany, rejoice 
at the prospect of regaining their liberty and former glory. Two Spaniards, repre- 
senting Christina's enemies, are driven off by two brave soldiers (a Frenchman and 
a Swede). A lame soldier exhorts his comrades to shed their blood for the queen. 
Flattery tries to insinuate herself into the court, but Time brings in Truth and 
prevents her. Finally Union comes to strengthen and sustain the power of the 
queen, and this is signified by the entrance of quatre Mipartis, French and Swedish, 
professing inviolable friendship. . The grand ballet flatters the queen, and concludes 
with the remark that in order to give future kings to Sweden : 

Avec nostre Amazone il faut un Alexandra. 

For this piece Jacobsson suggests an Italian original, II Giubelo del cielo 
e della terra, danced at Turin in 1624. The political references are 
worthy of note, but otherwise the speeches are often prosy and dull, 
especially in the Swedish version. Both this ballet and the Balet om 
thenna tijdzens fantasier have been assigned to Stiernhielm, but 

F. J. FIELDEN 155 

although a foreigner must necessarily pronounce with hesitation on such 
matters the general style and treatment hardly seem to be worthy 
of the author of Denfdngne Cupido. 

Les Effects de I' Amour is a commonplace piece of no special interest. 
It has ten entries, all representing the various effects of love, and a 
grand ballet aux Dames. L' Amour Constant, on the other hand, has 
considerable dramatic unity and not a few felicities of expression. It is 
a wedding ballet, and tells the tale of Ulysses and Penelope in dance 
and recitative. An introductory speech of Love is succeeded by the follow- 
ing entries : (2) Mars et Bellone, incitans Ulysse a la guerre. (3) Minerve 
promettant sa faveur d Ulysse. (4) Ulysse navigeant. (5) Aeole com- 
mandant aux vents defavoriser Ulysse. (6) Ulysse en naufrage, se sauvant 
d la nage. (7) La Renommee commandant d trois Muses de publier la 
mort d' Ulysse. The scene now changes to Ithaca : (8) Penelope, ou 
I' Amant fidele, avec ses compagnes en deuil, croyant qu' Ulysse soit mort. 
(9) Les Rivaux ou Poursuivans, faisans la cour d Penelope. (ItyL'Envie 
faisant tout son possible de divertir Penelope de V affection d' Ulysse. 
(11) L' 'Amant yvrogne. (12) Les serviteurs fideles attendans et desirans la 
venue d'Ulysse, leur Maitre. (13) Ulysse se vangeant de ses Rivaux, qu'il 
passe tous au fil de I'epee. (14) La Constance, ou Penelope, persistant 
en I' amour d'Ulysse. (15) La Victoire, ou Ulysse triomphant de tous ses 
travaux. In the grand ballet Ulysses tells the cavaliers how the crown 
of love is attained. Let them dare much and fear nothing, 

Et si le destin vous envie 

Le bien que justement il vous devroit dormer, 

Sachez qu'on doit abandoimer 

Pour une illustre mort, une commune vie. 

A concluding speech of La Renommee aux Dames contains an exhorta- 
tion to Christina to marry. The same wish is expressed in the conclusion 
of the grand ballet of Les Passions Victorieuses et Vaincues, which has 
fifteen entries, including some stanzas for music, representing the 
disastrous effects of unbridled passion (love, ambition, vanity, etc.) upon 
various famous characters of mythology, history, and romance. One of 
the entries is represented by Les chevaliers de la trisfy figure et des 
miroirs, avec Panca et Nasutus leurs Escuyers, with which may be com- 
pared the elaborate Entree en France de Don Quichot de la Manche 1 , and 
the entry of the Windmill, fantastic Knight, and Squire in Shirley's 
Triumph of Peace. Les Boutades ou Proverbes has ten entries in prose, 
which are simply collections of proverbs and proverbial sayings. The 

1 Lacroix, in, pp. 59 ff. The date is given as 'between 1616 and 1625.' 

156 Court Masquerades in Sweden in the 17 th Century 

grand ballet in this case elaborates that comparison of the sovereign 
with the sun which we so often find in the Jacobean masque 1 . 

We come now to Stiernhielm's three ballets, all composed during the 
period 1649-51, when he was Antiquarius Regni and Gustos Archivi in 
Stockholm, Stiernhielm seems to have had few relations with the 
foreigners at the court, and probably he felt a little out of place there. 
Born in 1598, and educated chiefly in Germany, he early distinguished 
himself by his marked intellectual ability. From 1630-49, with some 
intervals, he was living in Livonia, where he filled the post of assessor 
to the hofrdtt (Court of Appeal) of Dorpat under the Swedish Governor- 
General of the Baltic Provinces. He returned to Dorpat in 1651, but 
had to flee soon after the outbreak of the Polish war (1655). In 1667 he 
was made Director of the College of Antiquities in Stockholm, with a 
special commission to continue his linguistic researches. In September, 
1669, he applied for membership of the Royal Society of London, and 
was elected in December. He died in April, 1672. His works include 
treatises on politics and public law, philosophy, matters of linguistic and 
antiquarian research, mechanics, mathematics, and astronomy, besides 
his poetry (Latin and Swedish). As a poet Stiernhielm's greatest service 
to Swedish literature lay in his purification of the language from foreign 
(especially German) words, and in his introduction and skilful manipulation 
of classical metres. In the opinion of some good judges Stiernhielm's 
hexameters are still among the finest examples of that species of verse 
in Swedish. His best poem, Hercules, first printed in 1658, is composed 
entirely in this metre. 

As will be seen, there are three versions of the ballet known in 
Swedish as Den fangne Cupido (lit. ' The Captured Cupid '). Of the 
three the Swedish is undoubtedly the best, though to Poirier, the author 
of the original French version, must be given the credit for the plan and 
invention of the whole. The piece is entirely mythological and is con- 
structed with very considerable unity. The different entries show, 
especially in the Swedish version, an astonishing variety of metre and 
facility of versification, which can unfortunately not be represented at 
all in translation. The substance of the ballet is as follows : 

Entry (1) Cupid boasts of his power over land, earth, and sea, and threatens 
those rebellious hearts that will not acknowledge it. (2) Diana enters with her 
Nymphs, congratulates herself on having a heart that is not subject to Cupid's 
wiles, and advises the nymphs to flee him, which they promise to do : 

1 Jonson: Blackness, Beauty, Oberon, News from the New World, Love Freed, Love 
Restored, Irish, Vision of Delight. So also the Masque of Flowers, Campion (Hayes], and 
Chapman's masque. 

F. J. FIELDEN 157 

Baste rad kan thet vara, then som troo vil, 
At vij jungfrur ryma Cupido platzen, 
Han sir ilia och arg som een hook ibland the 
Meenlose dufvor 1 . 

This last poetic touch is Stiernhielm's addition. (3) Venus urges her son not to 
spare Diana. Cupid promises that Diana shall soon feel the torments of love. There 
are considerable additions here in S. Venus relates how Cupid's power is felt by 
all the gods save Diana. The gods are merely enumerated in F. and G., but in S. 
there are descriptions (especially of Neptune's power) in majestic and vivid hexa- 
meters, with a happy use of the Homeric epithet. Both F. and G. also are without 
the spirited address to Diana in the second person that closes S. (4) All the World 
complains of the tyranny of Cupid. (5) A long entry, with dialogue and action. 
Apollo comes to visit Diana, and she asks him to explain the meaning of the laurel 
wreath he has around his brows. He tells the story of his unhappy love for Daphne, 
prophesies that the laurel will for all time to come be a symbol of wisdom and 
victory, and utters compliments about the sovereign who is one day to plant it by 
' lovely Malar's shores.' Meanwhile Cupid, who has been watching his opportunity, 
fixes an arrow to his bow and is just about to shoot at Diana when she catches sight 
of him, and with the help of Apollo clips his wings and takes from him his bow, 
arrows, and quiver. At his request, however, she gives him a silver shield as a 
protection against his many foes 2 . (6) fame publishes the news. (7) All the World 
rejoices at Diana's victory. (8) Cupid is now proud to be Diana's captive, sets her 
image in his shield, and lovingly addresses it in three very charming Sapphic stanzas. 
He is interrupted by two satyrs, who take from him his shield. (9) Bacchus tells 
how he has punished the satyrs and recovered the shield. (10) Venus complains 
that her son has betrayed her and gone over to her enemy, and sends her nymph 
Doris to steal the shield. (11) Cupid, missing his shield, comes in distracted. This 
entry has become famous, and is in S. a very successful representation of madness. 
F. and G. make Cupid talk mere gibberish, but Stiernhielm, with a deeper psycho- 
logical as well as a truer artistic instinct, makes him first rave at the satyrs arid 
then confuse the sound of the music with the barking of Cerberus, whom he imagines 
to be pursuing him. (12) Venus applies to Aesculapius, who gives her a drug to 
restore Cupid. (13) Pallas comes to Diana on Cupid's behalf, and Diana promises 
to grant him her grace and favour if he will always remain submissive. - The grand 
ballet has two sets of verses in honour of the Queen-Mother. 

Considerable ingenuity of construction is shown throughout the piece, 
and not least in the combined flattery of Christina and Maria Eleonora. 
Compared with the other two versions, Stiernhielm's is decidedly the 

1 ' The best plan would be, if one would think it, that we virgins should leave the field 
to Cupid. He is cruel and spiteful as a hawk among the innocent doves.' 

2 Cupid's verses here are of much grace and beauty : 

Jag ar tin fange, 
Tin ofvervundne, 
Tin underlagde 

Tral och tieniste-svan. 
Tins ogons stralar, 
Tins skonheets klarheet, 
Tin hoge anda 

Och tin himmelske glantz 
Ha kranckt min frijheet, 
Mit hierta sargat, 
Och bant mit sinne 

Under tianstbarheets ook. 

' I am thy captive, thy vanquished foe, thy subject, thrall, and servant. The beams of 
thine eyes, thy beauty's brightness, thy proud spirit and divine glory have broken my 
freedom, torn my heart, and bent my mind 'neath the yoke of obedience.' 

158 Court Masquerades in Sweden in the 17 th Century 

most imaginative and poetical, and his versification and vocabulary are 
by far the most rich and varied. He manages with equal facility 
hexameters, elegiacs, and sapphics, anacreontic, trochaic, dactylic, iambic, 
and other measures. 

Freds- Afl is much more loosely constructed. The ballet celebrates the 
conclusion of the peace, and Christina is honoured in the person of Pallas, 
through whose influence the power of Mars is checked. There are 
nineteen entries and a grand ballet, the characters of the entries being 
mythological figures or soldiers and peasants from actual life, who either 
rejoice at or bewail the war. Among the figures may be noted Panic 
Terror, crippled soldiers, the four elements (cp. Campion, Squires 
Masque), the three Graces, and. Janus. The treatment on the whole 
is lighter in the original French version than in the Swedish. The 
speeches are shorter than in Den fangne Cupido, and though some, 
notably the verses of Mars in the first entry and of Panic Terror in 
the third, are vivid and forceful enough, the ballet on the whole is not 
so poetical as its predecessor. The basis of historical events is noteworthy. 
There is nothing veiled or allegorical in the topical references, as is 
sometimes the case in the English masque: the allusions are immediately 

Parnassus Triumphans seems to have been the most elaborate and 
costly of all the ballets. It is divided into three ' openings ' of ten 
entries each (including the grand ballet). The French version contains, 
in addition to a detailed programme and a list of the dancers, verses by 
Apollo and by Fame and a concluding sonnet, all in honour of the 
queen. These features are absent in G. and S., so that the ballet 
was almost certainly performed and originally written in French. The 
first part shows the flourishing empire of the Muses, the second their 
defeat and destruction in a 'time of war and unrest, the third their 
restoration by means of the victories, the peace treaty, and the happy 
coronation of the majesty of Sweden. The most interesting features of 
the piece are the mechanical devices, the characters of some of the 
entries, and the manner in which Stiernhielm adapts his French original. 
Most of the entries are short some consist of only four lines and 
there are several grotesque entries of the common French type. Among 
the characters are an Indian and a Persian (cp. Davenant, Temple of 
Love)', a watchmaker, a painter, a musician, a Druid and four wood- 
nymphs (Shirley and Davenant in general) ; a Castilian poet afraid 
of his own shadow ; the Muses and the Graces ; Homer, Pindar, Virgil, 
and Horace (the idea is similar to that in Jonson's Golden Age Restored) ; 

F. J. FIELDEN 159 

the Seven Sages of Greece ; the four quarters of the world (Campion, 
Squires' Masque). The scenery represents the Mount of Parnassus with 
the well of Hippocrene and the nine Muses. When, at the close of the 
tenth entry in part I, Apollo had sung in honour of the queen, the rock 
on which he stood burst open, and six shepherds with lutes ran out and 
sang. At the end of the piece Aurora and the Muses stepped down from 
the sky and took up Virtue from among the crowd of her adorers 
(cp. the end of many masques), and all Parnassus was lit up. The 
seventh entry of part I and the sixth of part III are typical of the 
difference between Stiernhielm's treatment and that of the author of 
the French text. In the French the watchmaker, painter, and musician 
of the earlier entry and the printer, herbalist, and mathematician of the 
later (printer, star-gazer, and doctor in S.) address themselves to the 
ladies in the usual gallant style of the French ballet, whereas Stiernhielm 
makes them utter general moral precepts suggested by their various 
callings and showing how nothing can be done in any art without the 
patronage of the Muses. 

Stiernhielm's ballets therefore show an independent treatment as 
well as gifts of poetic imagination and a skilful command of verse, and 
lead us to regret that the only poet of undoubted genius who wrote for 
the court entertainments in Sweden did not stay to develop the ballet 
upon the lines of his first and most successful effort. 

The next piece on the list, Chevreau's Les Liberalitez des Dieux, was 
also very elaborate and costly. The accounts preserved of the pre- 
parations for the ballet and of its performance are more interesting than 
the piece itself. It consists of fifteen entries and a grand ballet, all in 
verse. The verses throughout are neat, but there is no originality 
in design or treatment. Most of the characters of the entries are 
mythological deities who come to offer Christina gifts or to praise or 
bless her in various ways. In the eighth entry, however, we have an 
example of national grotesques. These are ' trois demons craints en 
Suede/ which Ekeblad describes in a letter of December 15, 1652. 
' A week ago,' he writes, ' the ballet was danced, and such a concourse of 
all kinds of people was present that there was nothing life such a crowd 
even at the Coronation. Her Majesty and the Queen-Mother had the 
greatest difficulty in getting in. In the ballet were represented the 
bounties of the gods, and all who danced were in the habits of the 
gods ; the three spectres (spoken) here mentioned, namely the Ghost, the 
Neckan, and the Brownie (tomtegubben), were also handsomely presented, 
and complained that they had been driven by Her Majesty into Lap- 

160 Court Masquerades in Sweden in the 17 th Century 

land, where they were obliged to live in great distress. The Ghost 
was represented by an atrociously tall, dark fellow, quite twice as tall as 
the Polyphemus was in Count Magnus' upptag at the Coronation. The 
Neckan was shaped 1 like a dog or a cat, with a long tail, and the 
Brownie was a tiny little fellow, so small that one could hardly see 
anything more of him than his hat and his feet ; it was quite comical 
to see 2 .' 

The two ballets for 1653 may be passed over. The introductory 
recit to La Masquarade des Vaudeuilles, however, is of interest as 
supporting the statement made above that the Frenchmen at Christina's 
court probably brought some of their ballets with them ready-made. 
It consists of three stanzas, of which the first two are : 

Que person ne 

Ne s'e'tonne 

De nous voir quiter Paris. 
C'est pour divertir Christine, 
'Cete Princesse divine, 
Que nous 1'avons entrepris. 

Nostre bande 

Est assez grande; 
Nous amenons avec nous 
Les plus fameus Vaudeuilles, 
Qui dispos et bien agilles 
S'en vont danser devant Vous. 

Some details of Chevreau's second ballet, Le Balet de la Felicite, 
have been given above. As already mentioned, there were three parts, 
the first comprising 'tous les sens,' the second 'les premiers biens 
de la Nature,' the third ' les principaux biens de Tame et de la fortune.' 
An Italian original for this ballet has been found, viz. La nave della 
felicitd, performed at Turin in 1628 3 . In some particulars it also bears 
close resemblance to three French pieces, G. Colletet's Effects de la 
Nature, with its continuation the Ballet des Cinq Sens de Nature, 1632 4 , 
and the Ballet de la Felicite sur le sujet de Vheureuse naissance de 
Monseigneur le Dauphin, 1634 5 . From the last piece some hints for 
La Naissance de la Paix (Stiernhielm's Freds- Afi) seem also to have been 
taken. The characters of Chevreau's piece (seventeen entries + grand 
ballet) are again mythological and allegorical ; he does not favour 

The stormy times of Carl X left little opportunity for any elaborate 
court ballets, and after the Balet de la Felicite we find only tilts during 

1 Or 'disguised.' The reading is either formerad or formummad. 

2 Letters, i, p. 205. 3 Jacobsson, p. 82. 

4 Lacroix, iv, pp. 191 ff. 5 Ibid., v, pp. 229 ff. 

F. J. FIELDEN 161 

his reign. But during the Regency and under Carl XI the ballet and 
other dramatic performances flourished once more. The last piece on 
our list, Lindschold's Den Stoora Genius (Le grand Genie), is a long and 
elaborate affair, and is the only Swedish ballet of any length for which 
there is no French original. Erik Lindschold (1634-90) was one of the 
ablest statesmen of Carl XI. After his education at Uppsala and travels 
on the Continent he occupied various State posts under Carl X and 
was a favourite of the queen, Hedvig Eleonora. For her he wrote his 
ballet, as well as numerous pieces d' occasion, and he was the soul of all 
the festivities and amusements of the court. His political career began 
when Carl XI took the government into his own hands in 1672. Though 
filling the post of secretary to the Cabinet, only, he was in reality the 
first minister of the king, his great ability and wonderful powers of 
oratory giving him an overwhelming influence. Lindschold was a states- 
man with ideals and aims that looked far beyond his time, and as a 
patron of scholars and writers he did even more for literature than 
by his own not inconsiderable productions. 

Den Stoora Genius is a somewhat heavy allegorical and moral piece, 
designed to instruct the youthful king and flatter his mother Hedvig 
Eleonora. It is divided into four parts corresponding to the four divisions 
of human life childhood, youth, manhood, old age and has five entries 
in each part 1 . Though the ballet is far from being as graceful and 
poetic as Den fangne Cupido, and the construction becomes extremely 
loose towards the end, the speeches are often good and are usually much 
more to the point than is the case in the French ballets. 

The four parts are called * openings.' The entries of I, Uenfence, point to the 
hopes that may be based upon the young king's childhood. (1) Mercury comes as 
the messenger of the gods to open the performance and proclaim His Majesty's 
birthday. (2) Flora and four Zephyrs enter to bring in the spring. (3) The king's 
good Genius brings with him VAme Noble and VAdresse, and delivers a speech of 
twenty-eight lines about a good king's qualities and duties. (4) Hope with four 
Gipsies. The gipsies vaunt their trade. Hope replies that a king's fame rests not 
on idle prophecies but on his virtues and noble deeds. (5) Momus, Scaramouche, 
and Trivelin mock the gipsies. In II, Lajeunesse, the king's education is allegorically 
represented. (1) Hebe, with the three Hours, sings verses in honour of the king's 
'true Hebe and guide of youth' (Queen Hedvig). (2) A hunter and .two wild men 
praise hunting as a training for youth, but the wild men serve as a yarning against 
the abuse of it. (3) Six Basques, the descendants of the ancient Goths, reproach the 
French dandies for their effeminacy. These lines have a good deal of satiric force. 

(4) In the choice between Pallas, Juno, and Venus the king decides for Pallas. 

(5) A blind 'man and two cripples show that the mind can become blind and deformed 
as well as the body. Ill, Dage viril. (1) Mars, with a troop of ancient Goths 
(i.e. Swedes), whom he exhorts to show courage in war. (2) The choice of Hercules. 
(3) Two sailors. (4) Fame, proclaiming Carl's praises. (5) Diana and four nymphs, 

1 Swedish throughout, but the titles of the four parts and the names of some characters 
are given in French also. 

M.L.B.XYI. 11 

162 Court Masquerades in Sweden in the 17 th Century 

with the usual praises of life in the woods. The connection here is not easy to 
follow, but the idea of the third and fifth entries seems to be to exhort the king, 
when he grows up, to protect and favour all trades and professions, such as navi- 
gation, agriculture, etc. IV, La vieillesse. (1) Janus relates his history, and 
reproaches those who have neglected his counsel. (2) La felicite praises the king, 
and two soldiers and two miners introduce a little comic relief by describing how they 
are going to enjoy themselves at court. (3) A very long entry. The god Consus 
(Neptunus Terrestris] brings in Reason and Judgement, Reason has been held to be 
opposed to Love, but Consus has reconciled them and has won over Judgement, 
Reason's brother. A long monologue by Reason follows, giving and answering 
(sometimes with considerable wit and point) the various arguments of those who 
say that Love is opposed to Reason. (4) Bacchus and four peasants. (5) Two satyrs. 
The grand ballet is of Mars, Apollo, and Hercules, with four Virtues and their 
corresponding Vices. It will be observed that in the last division all attempt at 
a logical connexion is abandoned. If this piece was performed as it is printed, the 
dances must have been considerably over-weighted perhaps not to the satisfaction 
of everyone by the excellent moral counsels given. 


The ballets were not by any means the only diversions of Christina's 
court. Not to mention the numerous tilts, tourneys, hunts, bear-baitings, 
displays of fireworks, and banquets that took place, there were three 
other types of entertainment bordering on the dramatic the bergerie, 
the vdrdskap, and the upptag about which a few words may be said in 

The bergerie or Schdferei, which originated in Germany after the 
Thirty Years' War, is found in Denmark under Fredrik III (1648-70), 
and in Sweden under Christina. It was a kind of pastoral play performed 
in the open air, often by royal and aristocratic personages, with dances 
of shepherds and shepherdesses and elaborate costumes. A masquerade 
of this kind performed by the city of Uppsala in 1679 at a visit of 
Queen Ulrica Eleonora, the Queen-Dowager Hedvig, and little Prince 
Carl (afterwards Carl XII) and his sister bears much resemblance to the 
Elizabethan ' Entertainment.' The royal guests were welcomed by shep- 
herds, shepherdesses, and four nymphs (students, professors' daughters, 
and ladies of the city), and after a song of welcome they were conducted 
to a banquet, while the shepherds and shepherdesses drove their flocks 
and herds over the lawns. Finally all assembled in the garden round a 
wooden stage, where eight dancers in Roman costume gave a performance 
before their Majesties 1 . 

The vdrdskap corresponds to the German Wirthschaft and the French 
hdtellerie. It was a kind of masquerade in which one or more couples 
represented the host and hostess and the others were their guests. The 
earliest known example in Sweden was performed on Twelfth Night, 

1 Ljunggren, pp. 414 if. 

F. J. FIELDEN 163 

1653, and represented 'how all the gods were entertained by shepherds 
and shepherdesses 1 .' The queen and Prince Adolphus and all the people 
of the court were dressed in shepherds' costumes. The dance lasted till 
seven o'clock next morning, and towards the end the masquerading 
disguises were taken off, and the queen had the jewels cut out of her 
dress and distributed among those present as a memento of the occasion 2 . 
The masquerade of April 8, 1654, described by Whitelocke, to which 
reference has already been made, was a vdrdskap. Whitelocke calls it a 
1 masque.' ' There were no speeches nor songs,' he says, ' men acting 
men's parts, and women the women's, with variety of representations 
and dances. The whole design was to show the vanity and folly of 
all professions and worldly things, lively represented by the exact pro- 
perties and mute actions, genteelly, without the least offence or scandal.' 
The queen herself danced in two entries, first as a Moorish lady, and 
then as a citizen's wife 3 . 

The upptag were more elaborate and more popular. They were a 
kind of pageant resembling the processions of masquers in such masques 
as Shirley's Triumph of Peace or Chapman's Masque of the Middle 
Temple and Lincoln's Inn, but were always followed in Sweden by a tilt, 
at the close of which the procession returned by torchlight to the palace 
or other starting-point, and there supped and danced. The procession 
was composed of trumpeters, marshals, etc., followed by the tilters 
dressed to represent mythological and allegorical characters, and often 
included uncommon animals, such as camels and elephants, as well as 
numbers of led horses. A 'cartel' issued the day before, or earlier, 
explained the device, to which everything in the procession bore some 
more or less close relation. This ' cartel ' was read aloud when the 
procession reached the lists, and verses were often recited to the queen 
and her ladies. .Afterwards the opponents came in, and the tilt began. 

The upptag therefore bears some resemblance to the English ' Bar- 
riers 4 .' Accounts of several are preserved, but the most famous were the 
four performed on different days in connexion with Christina's coronation 
in October, 1650. For two of these there is a Swedish text (' cartel ' and 
rough programme), in each case by Stiernhielm. A brif account of 
the first of the two, held on October 24, 1650, may be given as typical of 
this species of masquerade. 

1 Ekeblad, i, p. 216. 

2 The same thing was done in England. See Eeyher, pp. 421 f. 

3 Whitelocke, n, pp. 110 ff . 

4 Several French ballets include a tilt, e.g. the Ballet de la Foire Saint-Germain, and 
the Ballet du Courtisan, 1612, the subject of which is exactly that of Jonson's Challenge 
at Tilt. See Lacroix, passim. 


164 Court Masquerades in Sweden in the 17 th Century 

There is a French text as well as the Swedish, the former alone containing 
verses for the characters. The ' cartel ' however is the same in both versions. The 
piece is entitled Lycksalighetens Ahrepracht (La Pompe de la Felicite), and the idea 
of the ' cartel ' is that true happiness is not to be found either in war or in love, but 
in virtue, amity, and concord. On the side of Happiness are Eudemon and his two 
friends Philander and Dorisel, Apollo and the Muses, and a train of knights with 
led horses, who had previously followed war, but now confess that all human 
happiness consists in honouring Virtue, Concord, and Peace. Opposed to them are 
Mars and his followers, including Philopater, Democrates, and Theander (defending 
war for one's country, for liberty, and for religion, respectively), and also Love and 
Venus, who try to turn these servants of Mars to their own ranks, saying that pain, 
tyranny, and opportunities for courage exist in their army too, but without bloodshed. 
The printed texts are divided into five parts, called intrdde ('entries') in the 
Swedish, appareils in the French. According to these, Mars and his knights 
appeared first. Then followed Love and Venus, drawn in a triumphal car moving 
of its own accord and guided by Fortune, who stood on a large blue globe at the 
back of the car. Three nymphs accompanying them made ' a concert of instruments.' 
Happiness appeared in the third part of the procession, introduced by her three 
knights Eudemon, Philander, and Dorisel. She was borne in a sumptuous car 
driven by Peace, and was surrounded by Concord and other virtues, including four 
children representing Charity. The fourth part represented V'Applaudissement, in 
which Apollo and the Muses came to praise Christina. The procession ended with 
a row of led horses magnificently caparisoned. Silfverstolpe describes it in detail 
from a large contemporary painting preserved in the Royal Library, Stockholm. 

The court ballets performed in Sweden therefore afford another 
illustration of the great vogue of this type of amusement in the seven- 
teenth century. Though the ballet undoubtedly originated in Italy, 
it was the French rather than the Italian model that was adopted 
all over Europe. Ballets of the French type were performed in Spain, in 
Germany, and in Denmark, as well as in Sweden, arid the French 
influence on the Caroline masque in England is obvious, although only 
one case of direct borrowing can be discovered 1 . Under Charles I and 
his French queen the English court was for a time completely gallicised, 
and many French plays were performed there 2 . The disconnected entries 
of the masques of Shirley and Davenant, as well as their grotesque 
characters, and even some characters in earlier pieces, e.g. the tooth-drawer 
and other figures in Jonson's Pans Anniversary, point unmistakably to 
the French ballet. 

Yet granting the French origin and authorship of the ballets danced 
at the Swedish court, it seems to me fairly probable that the English 
masques, those of Jonson, Shirley, and Davenant more particularly, were 
not without having some influence upon them. Attention has been 
called above to the similarity between many of the characters appearing 
in the masque and in the Swedish ballet, and other instances could 
be added. Too much stress, however, should not be laid upon this point, 

1 Nos. 1 8 and 10 of the receipts of Vandergoose in Davenant' s Salmacida Spolia are 
translated, with a few small alterations, from those of the operateurs ' of the Ballet de la 
Foire Saint-Germain, 1607. 2 Brotanek, p. 285. 

F. J. FIELDEN 165 

as the characters in question are usually more or less stock figures 
of the ballet, and may easily have been derived from France independently 
in each case. But the greater unity of the ballets performed in Sweden, 
and especially the greater prominence given to a dramatic or semi- 
dramatic element, seem to suggest that Beaulieu had profited by his 
stay in England to see some of the court masques then in vogue, and took 
hints from them for the productions for which he was responsible. 
Certainly the later Caroline masques are not remarkable for their unity 
of construction, but even in the most loosely constructed of them there 
is considerably more unity than in most of the French ballets. It is also 
quite likely that some at least of the Frenchmen who had been attached 
to the court of Henrietta Maria and had fled from the tyranny of the 
Commonwealth, were afterwards attracted by the reports they heard of 
the brilliant court of Sweden, and came over to seek their fortunes 
there. An examination of material not accessible to me would probably 
throw light upon this question of cross-influences. 

There are signs that in our day the long-lost art of dancing is in 
a fair way to being recovered. In that case, it is perhaps not too much 
to hope that some revival of the masque may one day be attempted 
in England, for it is a form well worth reviving and could be adapted to 
modern tastes. Any comparison of the French ballet or its derivatives 
with the English masque cannot fail to bring out the superiority of 
the latter as an artistic form, and Jonson's masterpieces have still not 
received the attention they deserve. Apart from their grace, their wit 
and polish, and their finished art, the masques are interesting because in 
structure they are in a direct line of descent from the earlier English 
drama. The mythological characters in them are often only virtues 
or vices in disguise, and Jonson's creation of the antimasque a most 
important development in form gave the whole piece an antithetical 
and allegorical structure which goes back to the morality plays. And in 
whatever country court masquerades are found, the student of them 
can hardly help feeling a certain interest even though a somewhat 
melancholy one in the pageant of youth and wealth and beauty that 
passed so brilliantly and is gone. The courtiers of a by-gone age seem 
to us so young, so childish almost, in their whole-hearted abandonment 
to their pleasures. Yet we, in our more sophisticated age, cannot afford 

to despise them, for 

We are all masquers sometimes 1 . 

LUND, 1920. 

1 Jonson, Love Restored. 



In Campbell's edition of The Seven Sages of Rome (1907), we find a 
score of a- words in rimes which belong to the Northern dialect and ex- 
clude the use of Midland forms with open o. Campbell discusses the 
Northern forms, and says that the derivatives of a rime 41 times with 
an a having some other origin. His list omits several words with 
Northern a assured by the rimes : hale 37, lardes 143, slas 26, slane 53, 
thraw 31, wate 76 1 . It contains many rimes that might have been 
transposed from Midland forms with o. Thus for lare ' ware, the first 
rime-pair in Campbell's list (p. Ixxiii), we can write Midland lore 'wore ; 
such rimes prove no more than two' go (1) and twa ' ga (12). One of the 
rimes in Campbell's list, smate 'pat (44), seems to involve a scribal 
mistake. It occurs in the dialogue that introduces the fift tale : 

' was sene for sertayne 
of him ]>at with his son was slayn : 
]>e son j>e fader hevid of smate.' 
'Dame,' he said, 'what was he >at?' 

As Campbell remarks in his note, pat apparently lacks sense and syntax ; 
but the puzzle is hardly solved by his weak conclusion : pat might have 
been put in to make out a rime. In the dialogue preceding the sext tale 
we find a similar question : 

pe Emperoure said : ' What was he ? 
pat tale, maister, )x>u most tel me.' 

This question may have replaced an older wha was he?', but in any 
case it justifies changing was... pat to was... hat, equivalent to Midland 
was yhoten*. The text commonly keeps -en in participles; but the 
shorter forms occur in rime : 

...j>aire bolt es ful sone shot, 
titter to ill >an til glide note. (26) 

...bad )>am bete him in {>at tide 
til blode brast out on ilka side. 
He bad, when he was sogat bet, 
)>ai sold him hang on a gebet. (36) 

1 Numbers refer to pages. I leave out the silent e sometimes written after inflectional 
*, and distinguish u and v in accordance with modern usage. 

2 Emerson, M.E. Reader (1916), p. 73. 

Miscellaneous Notes 167 

A similar scribal change of hat (< hatari) to fiat may be assumed in the 


And t>ou will mak him >at >ine ajfre 
]>at es obout ay j>e to payre. (80) 

Here Campbell would leave out pat thereby putting stresses on the 

weak words and, will, him. 



It is not surprising that Dr Greg, in his review 1 of the Stony hurst 
Pageants, should feel some misgivings about peculiar forms which 
appear in the printed text of these plays. With regard to the six cases 
which he queries, however, I would say that only two are typographical 
errors, and these were duly noted in the Corrigenda. The other four 
represent the actual readings of the MS. In publishing the text of 
these plays my first care was to record the exact reading of the MS. 
even when it was obviously wrong. Errors were in some cases corrected, 
though never silently. In many other cases perhaps not altogether 
consistently obvious errors were left uncorrected, for my primary aim 
was to present, not a critical text, but a faithful reproduction of the 
Stonyhurst MS. The typographical errors recorded in the Corrigenda 
(p. 6) are fewer than might have been expected, considering the fact 
that the text was set up by printers who did not understand the English 
language, and at a time when the sending of proof sheets was in the 
highest degree difficult and uncertain. 

The Stonyhurst text presents many curiosities which it was im- 
possible to discuss within the limits prescribed for the Introduction. 
When one notes, for example, the frequent omission of final t from such 
words as' eight (x, 26), light (vin, 677), sight (x, 110), brought (xiv, 622, 
1435 ; xv, 86), and sought (ix, 74), one is moved to inquire whether 
these forms may not have u phonetic basis, though the extraordinary 
carelessness of the scribe in omitting letters enforces caution in drawing 
any inference. Certainly thath for hath (xiv, 897), thwicefor twice (xiv, 
1298), trough for through (ix, 520), threatneh for threatneth (vm, 678), 
moyseth for moyses (vm, 806), decrare for declare (xvm, 114), and 
dwaw for draw (vm, 109), are to be regarded as scribal slips. Such 
forms as pringe for bringe (ix, 286), plagon for flagon (vm, 790), and 
frongs for frogs (vm, 421) may at first seem to afford some dialectal 

1 Modern Lang. Review, xv, 441. 

168 Miscellaneous Notes 

clue, but the habits of the scribe give me pause against basing any 
conclusion on them, especially as each of these words appears elsewhere 
with normal spelling. On the other hand, the repeated occurrence of the 
for they (vm, 1312; xvn, 589; xviii, 581, 934) may possibly point to 
a slurring of the vowel in this pronoun in colloquial speech. 

In Dr Greg's opinion ' the complete lack of the sense of accent ' which 
the Stonyhurst playwright displays in handling his metre ' points to a 
writer having a more intimate familiarity with French/ But if the 
author were ' one to whom English was an acquired language ' we should 
surely expect to find some surviving Gallicisms, but of these I can dis- 
cover no traces. Nor is it easy to see how a young Frenchman he must 
have been young if he wrote these plays, as Dr Greg believes, as a school 
exercise could have become so well acquainted with the locutions of 
Lancashire or at least of the Northern counties. It is much easier for 
me to suppose that they were written by a native of Lancashire who was, 
or had been, a student at the English College at Douay. It is interesting 
to note in this connexion that considerable attention was devoted at 
Douay to the presentation of plays, both Latin and English, as appears 
from numerous entries in the Douay Diary. 

It is difficult again to accept Dr Greg's suggestion that the sudden 
appearance of Plautine influence in the Pageant of Naaman is due to 
the fact that the author in the course of his studies came upon the 
plays of Plautus for the first time after completing Pageant XVII. The 
Pageant of Naaman reveals an acquaintance with classical comedy which 
is too extensive and intimate to be the result of a sudden discovery. 
First of all, the names of the characters are drawn from a number of 
classical plays : Artemona and Leonidas are borrowed from Plautus' 
Asinaria ; Sosia and Bromia from Amphitryon ; Phronesium, and prob- 
ably Strato, from Truculentus ; Dorio, on the other hand, comes not 
from Plautus but from Terence (Phormio). This process of assimilation 
and combination appears still more notably in the characters and 
situations. While the Pageant of Naaman reproduces types which are 
thoroughly familiar in classical comedy, their originals are not to be 
found in any one, or even two, of the plays of Plautus or Terence. The 
Stonyhurst playwright has drawn suggestions from a number of separate 
plays and has combined them to serve his special purpose. And even 
when he appropriates a name from Plautus he does not always make 
the character correspond to that in the Plautine play: for example, 
Phronesium, the Meretrix in Truculentus, reappears in Naaman as the 
God-fearing Hebrew maid. In a word, the author in the Pageant of 

Miscellaneous Notes 169 

Naaman shows himself no less conversant with the characters and 
situations of classical comedy than with the traditions of the medieval 
religious plays in the other Pageants of his cycle. It seems extremely 
unlikely, therefore, that his knowledge of Plautus and Terence was the 
result of a new course in his curriculum begun after he had finished the 
Pageant of Elias. For that matter, the 13,000 lines of the Stonyhurst 
plays assuming that the cycle extended no further than the point 
where the MS. now ends impress me as a rather large order for a 
* school exercise.' If Dr Greg is correct in thus accounting for the 
composition of the Stonyhurst cycle, we are left to melancholy reflec- 
tions upon the contrast between the standards of industry in the schools 
of three centuries ago and those which prevail at present. 

In expressing these doubts, I confess that I have no theory of my 
own to propose in place of the conclusions reached by Dr Greg. These 
plays raise many questions which cannot be answered. It is difficult to 
understand why an author acquainted with classical comedy should 
have followed religiously the method of the medieval scriptural plays 
until he came to Naaman. But it is no less difficult to understand the 
complete absence from these 'pageants' of the influence of Elizabe- 
than drama, especially when the author reveals, quite incidentally, an 
acquaintance with two of the plays of Shakespeare, by naming one of his 
characters ' Brabantio ' and by imitating the phrasing of the ' Chorus ' 
in Henry V. 

And now that reference has been made to the 'Chorus' in the 
Stonyhurst plays, may I correct a misunderstanding which appears in 
Dr Greg's remark that 'the character "Nuncius," which the editor 
supposes to mark classical influence, is familiar in the native religious 
drama' ? The editor's words were : 'Though the use of the terms "Chorus" 
and " Nuncius " might suggest that the appearance of this feature in the 
Stonyhurst plays was due to classical dramatic tradition, the function 
which is assigned to these characters is not an inheritance from classical 
tradition but is rather a survival of the " Doctor " of the older religious 




In his introduction to More Lyrics from the Song-Books of the Eliza- 
bethan Age Mr A. H. Bullen justly called special attention to the poem 
which he had discovered in a music manuscript at Christ Church, 

170 Miscellaneous Notes 

Oxford, beginning fYet if his majesty our sovereign lord.' He sug- 
gested at the same time in a footnote to his reprint that in view of 
their somewhat abrupt opening the verses might be fragmentary. While 
looking recently through a volume of manuscripts in the Library of 
Trinity College, Dublin (F. 1. 20), containing miscellaneous matter in 
various seventeenth-century hands, I found on page 431 a fuller and 
possibly complete version of the same poem, with the heading 'In 
Aduentu Dom n / though strangely enough the new lines occur after and 
not before those already given by Mr Bullen. The first forty-eight lines 
(of which Mr Bullen printed thirty) are arranged in stanzas of six lines- 
each, the short second and third lines being set in; and these are 
followed by two stanzas of six and eight decasyllabic lines respectively. 
The following are the thirty-two additional lines : 


Sweete Jefus, T'was for us, t'was for our sake 
That thou our flefh didft take 
T'was for our loue alone 

That thou defcendeft from thy fathers throne 

Thou Coin'ft and knockeft, Open my loue my deere 

Wee Crye all's full, there is no lodging here 

Plotting Ambition and her Trecherous traine 

Take up our beating braine 

Ith' Chambers of our breft 
Malice and falce Confuming Enuy reft 
Slander lies in the tongue, And luftfull Riott 
Keepes all the liuer for her wanton Diett 

Sinne takes up all the houfe, this being true 

Speake Chriftian, fpeake Jewe 

Where is the Difference 

Twixt Jewifh fpight, and Christian Reuerence 
They cry'd away, ore us he fhall not Raige (read 'Raigne') 
We cry Alls full. We cannot Entertaiue 


; i 

Nott intertaine thee Lord. Doe not depart 
Accept a Widdowes might, A contrite heart 
And though I be not worthy thou fhoulft come 
Under my roofe, to fanctifie the Roome 
Yet I intreat thee, geue me tyme and fpace 
He fitt a lodging for thy heauenly grace, 


Repentance, was my foule, wafh it againe 
lett not a marke of any filth remayne 
Downe w th thofe Cobwebbs, and Malicious ruft 
ffaith, caft thou forth, Prefumptuons and diftruft 
Lowlines, aire the fheete, and make the bedd 
Meekeneffe, and Hope, lay pillowes for his head 
Charitie, blow the fire, So, Now He venter 
To finde my Lord, and bidd my Jefus enter, 

Miscellaneous Notes 171 

The verbal variants from Mr Bullen's text of the first five stanzas 
are as follows : 

Stanza 2, L 4 there] they Trinity College Dublin 
3, 1. 3 in] and TCD 
3, 1. 4 candles] Torches TCD 
3, 1. 6 in] on TCD 
5, 1. 6 in the] in a TCD. 

The form ' dazie ' in stanza 3, 1. 2, printed in Mr Bullen's text as * dais/ 
occurs as ' dazy.' 

In the absence of a signature the poem must remain anonymous, but 
in connexion with Mr Bullen's suggestion that on grounds of style the 
author may have been Henry Vaughan it is interesting to compare 
Silex Scintillans, ' Misery,' 11. 2536, and particularly 11. 3236 : 

Thus wretched I, and most unkind, 
Exclude my dear God from my mind, 
Exclude him thence, who of that Gel 
Would make a Court, should he there dwel. 




One of Steele's contributions to the Spectator (no. 300) contains a 
fictitious letter in which occurs the following passage : ' [it] called to my 
Mind the following four Lines I had read long since in a Prologue to a 
Play called Julius Caesar, which has deserved a better Fate. The Verses 
are addressed to the little Criticks : 

Shew your small Talent, and let that suffice ye ; 
But grow not vain upon it, I advise ye. 
For every Fop can find out Faults in Plays ; 
You'll ne'er arrive at knowing when to Praise. 

Many old editors of the Spectator have a footnote saying that the refer- 
ence is to Sir William Alexander's Julius Caesar ) and the statement has 
already deceived one biographer of that dramatist. Alexander's play 
was not written to be staged ; nor was it performed during its author's 
lifetime. The Prologue cited is clearly in the Restoration manner. If it 
were rightly to be associated with Alexander's tragedy, it would imply 
an attempt to revive the play for an actual performance on the Restora- 
tion stage. 

Such revival is inherently improbable, but could only be disproved 
by identifying the cited Prologue ; that laborious task has, however, had 
its reward. Steele's verses are undoubtedly from the Prologue by the 

172 Miscellaneous Notes 

Author prefixed to Marcus Brutus, i.e. to the second part of the Duke 
of Buckingham's rifacimento of Shakespeare's Julius Caesar : Steele's 
version is slightly different, but the identity is beyond doubt. 

The discovery, however, leads to another problem, which is not 
removed even by a full allowance for deliberate mystification on Steele's 
part. Buckingham's two plays (the other part is, of course, his Julius 
Caesar) were never staged, although, apparently, considerable and possibly 
extended efforts were made to arrange a performance ; and, as is well 
known, Pope contributed two odes for choruses in Marcus Brutus. But 
when ? In a letter written Sept. 18, 1722, he excuses his refusal to write 
a prologue for a play of Broome's, by saying as if of a recent occur- 
rence ' I have actually refused doing it for the Duke of Buckingham's 

When, then, did Buckingham make his adaptations? He died in 
1721. The Life, often prefaced to eighteenth-century editions of his 
works, vaguely puts the tragedies about the time of the Queen's death 
(1714). Mielck (Sh. Jahrbuch, xxiv), but equally vaguely, puts them 
even later, 'in the last years of the author's life,' although his sub- 
stantial evidence is that use is made in them of Rowe's edition of 
Shakespeare (1709), as well as of earlier editions. But since the Pro- 
logue was known to Steele in 1712, it would seem that they were 
completed before that date. How did Steele know the plays? Why 
did he mention them ? How much mystification is there in his words 
'I had read long since, etc.'? No edition is known before 1722. Were 
they really the work of earlier years ? Was Steele trying to arrange for 
a production of them ? The Biographia Dramatica (ed. 1812, II, 352), 
under Shakespeare's Julius Caesar, informs the reader that the reason 
why Buckingham's adaptations were never staged will be given under his 
Marcus Brutus: but the reader looks there in vain. The reference 
omitted by the editors of the Biog. Dram, would, however, hardly have 
helped us. They most probably had in mind, not an attempted presen- 
tation about 1712, but the preparations seventeen years later for a 
performance which fell through owing to a strike of the Italians who 
were to sing the chorus (cf. The British Theatre (1750), the first book of 
its kind to include Buckingham, and Gibber, Lives of the Poets (1753)). 

But at all events, the play referred to in the Spectator is not Sir 
William Alexander's; and further, it is probable that Buckingham's 
adaptations of Julius Caesar were made some years before the date 
usually given to them. 



Miscellaneous Notes 173 


It may serve a good purpose, as a supplement to Professor Paul 
Studer's recent article containing material for a critical edition of this 
text (M.L.R. 1920, pp. 41 ff.), to point out an astonishing error in Dr Tyler's 
edition, which apparently has escaped Professor Studer's notice. 

Lines 2405-9 in Miss Tyler's edition read : 

Napes de lin vei desure getees, 

Ces escuiles empliees e rasees, 

(De) hanches, (e d')espalles, (de) niueles e (de) oble(i)es. 

N'i mangerunt les fiz de Tranches meres, 

Qui en 1'Archamp vnt les testes colpees ! 

Dr Tyler's vocabulary says : rasee = meat-pie 2406. Chimene, qui 
1'eut dit ? It would be interesting to have Miss Tyler's translation of this 
passage, especially in view of her punctuation and of her emendation of 
2407. Of course, rasdes is the past part, of raser and means : remplies 
jusquau bord. If the meat-pies are considered indispensable we should 
have to read : de rasees. 

I propose to punctuate and to read as follows : 

Napes de lin vei desure getees ; 
Ces escueles empliees e rasees 
D'hanches, d'espalles, de riiveles oblees, 
N'i mangerunt les fiz de franches meres, 
Qui en PArchamp unt les testes colpees. 

It will be seen that I have a doubt as to nivele meaning ' puffed- 
paste/ as Dr Tyler's vocabulary has it. I should rather regard it as the 
feminine plural of the adjective nivel which might mean ' blanc ou leger 
comme la neige! 



Many sixteenth-century poets of the Peninsula, not content with 
writing sonnets fectios al italico modo, paraphrased, imitated or trans- 
lated existing Italian sonnets. Petrarca was their chief but by no means 
their only source. It is well known how imitative was the great genius 
of Luis de Camoes, and recently Dr Jose Maria Rodrigues has dealt 
exhaustively with the sources of the Lusiads. Those who have read 
Pedro de Andrade Caminha's poems in Dr J. Priebsch's edition (in 
which Dona Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos had a share) know that 
many of his sonnets were imitated or paraphrased from those of Petrarca, 
and it is evident that a very large number of early Portuguese sonnets 
were suggested by older or contemporary Italian poems, although the 

174 Miscellaneous Notes 

original is not always discovered. The originality of these first Portu- 
guese cultivators of the dolce stil nuovo consciously lay in their imitation 
in acclimatising the alien metre and making it fit as smoothly as 
possible into its new garb and not in any originality of thought or 
expression. The success of Sade Miranda, Ferreira and Andrade Caminha 
in the sonnet form was not very marked, whereas Diogo Bernardez and 
Camoes attained a complete mastery over this as over other Italian 
forms ; especially, perhaps, over the others the eclogue and canzone 
since the sonnet's scanty plot of ground has always proved a somewhat 
trying ordeal for the natural flow of Portuguese poets. Sa de Miranda's 
noble, rugged sonnet sol e grande may have been suggested, as to the 
spirit not the words, by Petrarca's sonnet Zefiro torna e 'I bel tempo 
rimena. Antonio Ferreira's sonnet on the death of his wife, perhaps the 
best that he wrote, Aquele claro sol que me mostrava, is translated 
almost word for word from Petrarca's Quel sol che mi mostrava il cammin 
destro. The original of the beautiful sonnet written perhaps by Diogo 
Bernardez but assigned also to many other poets (see C. Michaelis de 
Vasconcellos' Investigacoes sobre sonetose sonetistas Portugueses e castel- 
hanos (1910), pp. 45-54) and of which many Portuguese variants exist, 
Horas breves de meu content amento, has not yet been discovered. The 
foreign sonnets which perhaps most resemble it are Ariosto's Lasso, i 
miei giorni lieti and Garci Lasso de la Vega's dulces prendas por mi 
mal halladas. (Cf. the lines 

Quien me dixera, quando en las pasadas 
Horas en tanto bien por vos me via 
Que me habiais de ser en algun dia 
Con tan grave dolor representadas.) 

Camoes' Aquela triste e leda madrugada begins by translating Petrarca : 

Quel sempre acerbo ed onorato giorno 
Mando si al cor 1' immagine sua viva 
Che 'ngegno o stil non fia mai che '1 descriva, 
Ma spesso a lui con la memoria torno. 

who for his part had translated Virgil : 

Jamque dies, ni fallor, adest quern semper acerbum 
Semper honoratum (sic dii voluistis) hal 

(Aen. v, 49-50.) 

Camoes' famous sonnet, one of the most beautiful in literature, Alma 
minha gentil que te partiste is practically a translation, but not of a 
single poem. Thus we have the first lines of Petrarca's sonnet : 

Quest' anitna gentil che si diparte 
Anzi tempo chiamata all' altra vita, 

Miscellaneous Notes 175 

and of his sonnet Anima bella da quel nodo sciolta, and the last lines of 
his sonnet Donna che lieta col principio nostro : 

Dunque per ammendar la lunga guerra 
Per cui dal mondo a te sola mi volsi, 
Prega ch' i' venga tosto a star con voi. 

Even closer is the resemblance between the opening of Camoes' 
sonnet and that of Giovanni Guidiccioni (1500-41): 

Spirto gen til, che del piu vago manto 
Ch' altro vestisse mai, si altero andasti 
Qui fra' mortali, e poi tu mi spogliasti 
Acerbo ancbr tornaudo al regno santo; 
Se de gli aflanni miei ti calse tanto 
Quanto ne gli atti tuoi gik dimostrasti, 
Perche cosl per tempo mi lasciasti 
Senza te solo in angoscioso pianto ? 

Then we have the beginning of the same poet's canzone : 

Spirto geutil che ne' tuoi verdi anni 

Prendesti verso il ciel 1' ultimo volo 

E me lasciasti qui rnisero e solo 

A lagrimar i miei piu che i tuoi danni, 

Pon dal ciel mente in quanti amari affanni 

Sia la mia vita, assai peggio che morte : 

Mira qual dura sorte 

Vivo mi tien qua giu contro mia voglia 

Acci6 ch' io viva eternamente in doglia. 

The parallel passages between poems of Camoes and those of the 
Italians are unending in number. Nor could it well be otherwise, for 
indeed his success in the new metres could not have been so splendid 
and immediate had he not been thoroughly steeped in Italian poetry, 
and on the other hand all this close acquaintance would, but for his 
genius, have availed him as little as it did Sa de Miranda and other 
early italianisers. 




The Influence of Christianity on the Vocabulary of Old English Poetry, 
Parts I and II. By ALBERT REISER. (University of Illinois Studies 
in Language and Literature, Vol. v, Nos. 1, 2, February and May 
1919.) Urbana, Illinois. 1918. 8vo. 150 pp. Each 75 cts. 

Albert Keiser fuhrt einen Arbeitsplan aus, der methodisch von v. 
Raumer,Zhe Einwirkung des Christentums aufdie althochdeutscheSprache, 
sowie von B. Kahle, Die altnordische Sprache im Dienste des Christentums 
vorgezeichnet und in MacGillivray's zu breit geratenem, beinah gleich- 
namigem Werk (Halle, 1902) schon ein gutes Stuck gefordert war. In 
zwolf Kapiteln gliedert er tibersichtlich das ganze christliche Wort- 
material der angelsachsischen Dichtersprache. Die einzelnen Ausdriicke 
werden meist auf ihren Ursprung in der lateinischen Kirchensprache 
zuruckgefiihrt und, wo es not tut, gelegentlich auch auf ihre Etymologic 
bin betrachtet. Angestrebt wird dabei nicht die Anfiihrung samtiicher 
Stellen sondern die Aufzeigung der verschiedenen Bedeutungen. So 
wird eine Uberlastung mit Stoff glucklich vermieden. Nur wo es sich 
um seltenere Ausdriicke handelt, zieht der Verfasser die gesamten 
Belege heran. Den Schluss machen iibersichtliche Wortlisten der 
specitisch poetischen Ausdrticke, die in der Prosa nicht erscheinen, der 
Lehnworte und der Hybriden. Ein ausfiihrlicher Index und zahlreiche 
Verweise erleichtern den Gebrauch der Wortsammlung. Im einzelnen 
ware zu der saubern und gediegenen Arbeit vielleicht folgendes zu 
sagen : Der Satz (S. 22 ff.) dass der Kult der Jungfrau Maria in der 
angelsachsischen Literatur stark hervortrete, bedarf der Einschrankung. 
Die Beispiele aus dern Crist liberwiegen auffiillig. (S. 32) Bei der 
Dehnbarkeit der Wortbedeutungen in der ags. Dichtersprache und ihrer 
eigenwilligen 'poetic diction' wird man schwerlich irgendwelche Schliisse 
daraus ziehen diirfen, wenn Cynewulf den Papsfc Eusebius bisceop nennt. 
Vielleicht ist ihm papa kein poetisches Wort. (S. 33) Die beste Erk la- 
rung von preost hat wohl Wilhelm Horn gegeben, der es Archiv 138, 62 
aus praepositus, vulgarlat. prepostu erklart und das Schwinden des 
inlautenden p mit totaler Dissimilation in dem auf der ersten Silbe 
betonten Worte begriindet. Vgl. Engl. Stud. 54, 71 Anm. 7. (S. 59 ff.) 
Der Abschnitt liber Wyrd wird den verwickelten Problemen, die dies 
Wort aufgibt, nicht ganz gerecht. Auch Alfred Wolf, Die Bezeichnungen 
fur Schicksal in der angelsachsischen Dichtersprache, Breslauer Diss. 
1919, S. 3 45, hat sie nicht vollig geklart, aber doch manchen Aber- 
glauben beseitigt. Vgl. schon Klaeber, Anglia 36, S. 171 ff. Jedenfalls 
kann man nicht mehr sagen, dass im Beowulf ' Wyrd is generally looked 
upon as the goddess of death.' Wenn sich eine gemeinangelsachsische 

Reviews 177 

Auffassung formulieren lasst, so ist es die, dass Gott die Geschicke 
bestimmt. In dem Satze z. B. gl& a wyrd swa hw seel steckt durchaus 
kein heidnischer Schicksalsglaube. Es heisst : ' Das Schicksal geht im- 
mer wie es soil/ d.h. ' es kommt doch stets, wie es kommen soil,' d.h. 
aber: 'wie es Gott bestimmt hat.' Deutlich ersieht man den Bedeu- 
tungswert von wyrd, wenn es mit einem Wort, das ' Gott ' bedeutet, 
variiert wird, wie Beow. 2526. Dass die Bedeutung ' Schicksal ' in 'iibles 
Schicksal,' 'Missgeschick,' 'Tod' iibergeht, und dies personificiert ge- 
braucht wird, darf noch nicht dazu verleiten, fur wyrd eine Bedeutung 
* goddess of death ' anzusetzen. Vgl. fur die ganze Frage Wolf a. a. O. 
(S. 69) Es wtirde zweckmassig Genesis A und B unterschieden sein. 
Durchaus irrefuhrend ist die Feststellung der Schlussbetrachtung 
(S. 137 f), dass von den 343 nur in den poetischen Texten vorkommenden 
Worten allein 74 nur Cynewulf angehoren, der dadurch in das Licht 
eines besondern Sprachschopfers gerat. Sieht man indes naher zu, 
so findet man, dass von den 44 ausschliesslich im Crist vorkommenden 
Ausdriicken bloss 6 in den sicher Cynewulfischen sogenannten 2. Teil 
des Crist gehoren. (S. 137 f.) Es ist sehr schade, dass der Verfasser 
gerade diese Seite seiner Aufgabe nicht eingehender behandelt hat : 
namlich den Nachweis der individuellen Sprachbildung, wo er mit 
einiger Sicherheit zu fiihren ist. Typ : efn-ece coaeternus. Auch ist 
nicht recht ersichtlich, nach welchen Grundsatzen die behandelten 
Worte ausgewahlt wurden. Wenn Worte wie fdcenstafas als specinsch 
christlich herangezogen werden, wlirde man dann nicht Ausdriicke wie 
peos Isene gesceaft zu finden erwarten ? Miisste nicht metudsceaft im 
Sinne von ' gottliche Ftigung ' und ' Jenseits ' erortert werden ? Warum 
fehlt bei dem Abschnitt ' good works ' die Behandlung von gewyrht in 
Fallen wie Dan. 444 = ' Verdienst bei Gott' ? Indes diese Ausstellungen 
sollen den Wert der griindlichen Arbeit nicht schmalern. 


The Tale Shakespeare. (1) The First Part of King Henry the Sixth. 
Edited by TUCKER BROOKE. (2) The Tragedy of Othello the Moor 
of Venice. Edited by LAURENCE MASON. New Haven : Yale Uni- 
versity Press; London: Humphrey Milford. Oxford University 
Press. 1918. Each 4s. Qd. 

The Australasian Shakespeare. Shakespeare's Life of Henry the Fifth. 
Edited by J. LE GAY BRERETON. Melbourne and Sydney : Lothian 
Book Publishing Co. Ltd. 1918. 3s. 6d. 

The two volumes of the Yale Shakespeare will be found very useful 
editions for class use, for which purpose they are perhaps better fitted 
than for private study. They are provided wUh brief explanatory notes 
at the foot of the pages, and longer notes on textual and other diffi- 
culties at the end, the student's attention being called to these by 
references at the foot of the pages to which they belong. There is no 
introduction, but a series of appendices on the Source and History of 

M.L.R.XVI. 12 

178 Reviews 

the Play, the Text of the Present Edition, and suggestions for Collateral 
Reading. In the case of Henry VI there is also an appendix on the 
authorship which provides a very useful summary of current opinion in 
a problem of peculiar difficulty. 

The text of these two plays is mainly that of W. J. Craig's Oxford 
Shakespeare, with, however, the stage directions of the First Folio, an 
interesting innovation in an edition for school purposes. The notes are 
sufficient and the appendices include everything that will generally be 
required, though of course they are not exhaustive. A useful addition to 
Henry VI might have been a brief consecutive sketch of the history of 
the period covered. Without this the notes on historical inaccuracies 
and anachronisms are decidedly difficult to follow, and though it may 
be claimed that a student can obtain what he needs from any ordinary 
text-book of history, the chances are against his troubling to do it. 

At the beginning of this volume of Henry VI is a ' modified repro- 
duction' of an early map, faced by a descriptive paragraph which contains 
a darker saying than any in the play. This runs as follows : ' Parallels 
of latitude are reckoned eastwardly around the globe from a line in the 
Atlantic Ocean about 20 degrees west of Greenwich ; parallels of longi- 
tude are as in modern maps.' Perhaps 'latitude' and 'longitude' should 
change places, but what are ' parallels of longitude ' anyway ? 

The Australasian Shakespeare is described as 'the result of the 
combined efforts of the various English Authorities in the different 
States of the Commonwealth and New Zealand, to provide sound school 
texts, which will meet the requirements of the Examination Boards.' 
It is a pity that we have not these requirements before us, for these 
might enable us to form a better opinion as to the special features of 
this edition of Henry V which adapt it to Australasian use. In their 
absence we can only say that it seems to be a good, sensible and work- 
manlike edition of the play, with full notes of a rather more elementary 
character, especially as regards explanation of phrases, than would 
generally be required in this country, but otherwise containing little 
that is new. The notes on each scene are prefaced by a brief summary of 
the action, in which attention is called to the dramatic purpose of the 
scene. This will be very useful to private students, though possibly 
some teachers will object to it for class-room work on the ground that all 
such points are better brought out in discussion with the students. 


Transactions and Report of the Royal Society of Literature of the 
United Kingdom. Vol. xxxvn. London: Humphrey Milford. 1919. 
8vo. Is. 

This volume has a special interest as a record of the success of the 
Royal Society of Literature during the last few years v in its attempts 
to realise more fully than ever heretofore an old ideal of its founders, 
and to make it a means of drawing the nations together by the inter- 

Reviews 179 

change of thought and mutual service. The Report of the Honorary 
Foreign Secretary and the Vice-President's Anniversary Address point 
to the increasing number of scholars and men of letters which the Society 
has attracted to itself from both East and West, and describe inter- 
national activities, of which a pleasing example is the material assistance 
given to the reconstruction of the Libraries of Serbia. 

The papers now printed reflect the aim which has just been indicated. 
Two relate to India. Mr A. Yusuf Ali, writing on ' India in the Literary 
Renaissance : Modern Indian Poetry,' exhorts his countrymen and the 
European world not to neglect the modern literature of the Indian 
vernaculars, which, over and above the great results of English influence, 
' have their own contribution to make to the progress and development 
of the Empire, and to our united consciousness of that larger humanity 
which is the hope of a reconstructed world in the twentieth century.' 
A short critical estimate of the chief schools of modern Indian poetry 
leads to a fuller treatment of the school which neither lives in the past 
nor ignores it, but seeks its inspiration in the present and utters the 
feelings and aspirations of to-day. Quotations from Tagore and the 
Urdu poets Hali and Iqbal give picturesque expression to an enlightened 

' Effects of Despotism and Freedom on Literature and Medical Ethics,' 
by Sir R. H. Charles, combines the general thesis implied in the title 
with study of similarities in ideas probably due to contact between 
Greece and India in early ages, and compares the ancient oaths ad- 
ministered to Greek and Indian neophytes in medicine respectively 
with interesting results. 

Mr Gosse treats of ' Some Literary Aspects of France in the War ' ; 
and France is again the theme in ' Scotland and France : The Parting 
of the Ways,' in which Professor R. S. Rait makes us follow with concern 
the fortunes and decay of the Franco-Scottish alliance in the sixteenth 
century. Probably, at the present time, even those most interested in 
the past will prefer the modern story, told as it is with sympathy and 
insight. It includes a sketch of Charles Peguy which must always arrest 
those who turn over the pages of this volume, as a moving presentment 
of an uncommon personality worthy of remembrance with Gautier's 
' me'daillons ' in his Histoire du Romantisme. 

With the foregoing, Sir Edward Brabrook's 'Literature and the 
State,' and Senor Don Salvador de Madariaga's ' Shelley and Calderon,' 
comprise six out of seven papers read before the society during the 
session. The former is necessarily selective in material as it covers 
much ground, but capriciously selective. Under 'The State as Author,' 
Alfred, its noblest link with literature, is to seek, and also Milton, who 
appears as a rebel under ' The State as Controller.' The state's extensive 
dealings with drama are nowhere mentioned for good or evil, and its 
influence ' as Corrupter ' is poorly supported by citing (beside the sus- 
picious case of Defoe) the supposed inconsistency of Dryden in welcoming 
Charles II, and of Johnson in accepting a pension conferred, as the writer 
admits, without corrupt purpose. Mallett's base employment to destroy 


180 Reviews 

Byng would have been more to the point. The subject needs a wider 
treatment before the scales are suspended. Chaucer's state employment- 
took him to Italy, with what results we know. Congreve's wit was not 
dulled by emoluments from the Pipe Office and the Customs, or Prior's 
lyric gift extinguished by embassies. With the delightful pleasantry of 
'Alma : he enlivened his state imprisonment. A printer's error of II for I 
perhaps accounts for the appearance of Charles II among Royal versifiers. 

In * Shelley and Calderon,' a resemblance between the poets of more 
extent than M c Carthy noted is traced, and the influence of Calderon upon 
Shelley inferred from consideration of Shelley's known studies of the 
Spanish poet and a comparison of certain features and particular passages. 
The brilliance of this essay, and the moderation with which its conclu- 
sions are stated, should disarm even those who do not accept them, and 
whose knowledge confers the right to judge, which I do not possess. 
A point such as the attribution to Calderon's influence of the symmetrical 
architecture of the * Ode to the West Wind ' is not disposed of by the 
fact that something similar exists in our earlier literature. 

The Professorial Lectures given during the Sessions 1918-9 are 
represented by * Poetry and Time,' delivered by Sir Henry Newbolt as 
Honorary Professor of Poetry. It treats of questions at once fascinating 
and indeterminable with lucidity and suggestiveness, and it would be 
hard indeed to better the selection of illustrative passages from the 
poets, from Raleigh and Spenser to Rupert Brooke and Masefield, by 
which the lecturer has expressed man's haunting sense of exile, his 
dreams of pre- existence, his yearning for a better world than this, for 
the timeless and eternal. If the relation of Time to Eternity be the 
relation of 'illusion to vision, of an inadequate view of reality to an 
adequate view/ we are encouraged to hope that the illusion tends to 
fade by infinitesimal degrees and the vision to become clearer, and to 
look for a new poetry in the future, perhaps not better than the old, 
' but such as will help us not so much to lament Time as to forget it,, 
and to think of Eternity, not as an infinitely distant and uncertain 
inheritance, but as a land to be gradually reclaimed from the wilderness 
by our own labour and virtue.' Our minds are thus attuned to find 
consolation for their own regrets, and helped to ' come,' like Tagore, 
' to the brink of eternity from which nothing can vanish no hope, no 
happiness, no vision of a face seen through tears.' 

R. H. CASE. 


COMTE MAURICE DE PANGE. Les Lorrains et la France au Moyen-Age. 
Paris: ^douard Champion. 1920. 8vo. xxxii + 196 pp. 15fr.60. 

Count Maurice de Pange, who died in 1913, may be said to have 
passed his life in the study of his native land, the ' pais de Loherraine/ 
and the present publication is but the last of a series of works which he 
devoted to its history. But it is not merely the history of facts con- 
cerning the province which interests him. He endeavours to dive down 

Reviews 181 

beneath the dry surface of the annals and public records in order to get 
at the deep-seated reasons and principles which underlie the attitude of 
his native province towards the Empire on the one side and towards 
France on the other, particularly during the Middle Ages. The reasons 
which made of Lorraine ' un pays frangais ' and which distinguished the 
crown of Lorraine from that of ' la Germanie ' in spite of the German 
elements which existed in the Northern part of the province; the re- 
ligious unity which enabled Lorraine to participate in the life of France 
even during its period of detachment and independence ; the wish of 
the inhabitants to remain French and their dislike of the Germans as 
illustrated in contemporary literature (Eitdes de Deuil, La Chanson de 
Hervis de Metz, etc.) ; the spontaneity of their attachment to the cause 
of France as illustrated in the national hero Gerard la Truie -these are 
the subjects which occupy the first chapter and which recur continually 
in the course of the book. 

In chapter n, M. de Pange plunges once more into the much-vexed 
question of the provincial origin of Joan of Arc. After many details 
concerning the parish to which she belonged, and an excursus in which 
he discusses the reasons of the friendly attitude of Champagne towards 
England at this epoch, he sums up and refutes the arguments opposed 
to the ' origine lorraine' of Joan of Arc, arguments which received an 
additional weight from the vanity of the descendants of her family who 
sought to disguise and obliterate all trace of their provincial origin. 

The second part of the book, ' Les Lorrains dans 1'histoire litteraire 
de la France,' is rather disappointing from the literary point of view. 
The author points out the epic character of the ' race lorraine ' : ' aux 
poesies elegantes, elle preferait les chansons de geste.' Even the women 
were animated by the spirit of chevalerie which persisted Jonger in 
Lorraine than in any other region in France. But he does not throw 
any fresh light on the question of the ' geste lorraine/ which, in spite of 
its popularity, never became absorbed into one of the great epic cycles. 
In the chapter devoted to Oarin le Lorrain M. de Pange gives a short 
account of Philippe de Vigneulle and the origin of his prose version of 
the Geste lorraine. As to the Old French ' chanson,' unshaken by recent 
researches on the origins of the Chansons de geste in general and Oarin 
le Lorrain in particular, he clings tenaciously to the idea of its historical 
and contemporary basis, its origin, from a poetical point of view, in 
' quelque donnee epique, soit orale, soit ecrite, quelque Cantilene sans 
doute, qui celebrait la lutte feroce de Frondin de la foret de Vicogne et 
de son ennemi Waning.' 9 

A chapter on Gautier d'Epinal establishes the fact that the chan- 
sonnier lorrain flourished, not in the twelfth century as stated by Tarbe 
and Brakelmann, but in the thirteenth. M. de Pange maintains that 
the identification of the Count Philippe, to whom Gautier addresses 
one of his- chansons, with Philippe de Flandre who died in 1191, is 
erroneous and that the Count in question was probably the poet's friend 
Philippe de Bar who flourished in the following century. 

The book closes with a short third section devoted to Ferri de Bitche 

182 Reviews 

and the subject of his succession to the dukedom of Lorraine. M. de 
Pange has consulted all the records having reference to the Dukes Simon 
and Ferri, and the documents which he publishes on the subject will be 
of value to every future historian of his native land. 


French Terminologies in the Making : Studies in conscious Contributions 
to the Vocabulary. By HARVEY J. SWANN. New York : Columbia 
University Press ; London: H. Milford. 1918. 8vo. viii H- 250 pp. 
6s. Qd. 

If in 1831 French children had been interested in railways, this is 
what they might have read in their primers, opposite the appropriate 
illustrations : ' Voici le chemin a ornieres ou le chemin en fer. Regardez 
la suite de chariots. D'abord nous voyons la machine a vapeur locomotive; 
apres, le chariot d'approvisionnement et puis les autres chariots. Us 
roulent sur les ornieres de fer ou les barres. Maintenant ils passent 
dans la galerie souterraine ! ' Why do French children to-day read 
something quite different ? 

An answer is supplied by Dr Swann. Briefly it is this. The railways 
largely supplanted the canals and they borrowed from the canal termi- 
nology. But while the first practical railway in this country dates from 
1815, none was built in France till 1833, so that English names or their 
literal translations in French naturally competed with the existing 
vocabulary. In this creative period, term after term was tried and re- 
jected in favour of others, till in the fulness of time ' le genie de la langue' 
was duly placated. Thus ' le char additionnel renfermant la provision 
d'eau et de houille/ reported from England in 1826, became in 1830 ' le 
chariot d'approvisionnement.' By 1845 some people were calling it ' le 
tender' and by 1859 nobody called it anything else. To the eternal 
regret of Darmesteter (Creation actuelle, p. 253), the good French word 
already existing, namely 'allege,' was strangely ignored. Similarly, 
' chemin en fer ' competed with * chemin a fer ' and ' chemin de fer ' (and 
a dozen other terms), and who shall say which was grammatically right? 

What precisely are the rules which the great French public guided 
not by the Academy, alas, but by the technician and the reporter 
unwittingly observes when suddenly it finds itself constrained to talk 
about a thing which yesterday had no name ? Dr Swann answers as 
best he may and no man can expect ever to know exactly the why and 
the wherefore, still less the wherefore not by studying the trial vocabu- 
lary not only of the railway, but of the automobile, 1875-95, and of the 
science of aeronautics, which was supplied with many of its terms at two 
different periods of activity, 1783-1800 and 1865-90. 

From such material- things as these he passes to the nomenclature 
of the Republican Calendar and inquires why beautiful words like 
' Brumaire ' and ' Floreal ' unfortunately fell from grace. He discusses 
the terminology of the Metric System, which has been a hardier plant, 

Reviews 183 

and the words coined, or modified in sense, to express the new-born 
ideas, Equality, Liberty, Democracy. His answers to the strange ques- 
tions raised are often convincing, generally ingenious, and always based 
on a thorough examination of the contemporary documents newspapers, 
reviews, official reports, technical dictionaries and the like. If after 
completing this useful work he had only made the slight additional 
effort of compiling an Index of Words discussed, he would have enhanced 
the value of his book. 


Dantis Alagherii Epistolae. The Letters of Dante. Emended Text with 
Introduction, Translation, Notes and Indices, and Appendix on the 
Cursus. By PAGET TOYNBEE. Oxford : Clarendon Press. 1920. 8vo. 
lvi + 305 pp. 125. 6d. 

It is a pleasant duty to congratulate Dr Toynbee on the completion 
of a singularly important work of which some of the preliminaries, in a 
more or less provisional form, have already appeared in the pages of this 
Review. In the present state of uncertainty concerning so much of the 
text of Dante, whilst awaiting the National Edition promised by the 
Societa Dantesca Italiana, it is perhaps the Letters alone that could 
profitably be edited in this fashion, without undue anticipation on the 
one hand or the likelihood of being superseded on the other. The critical 
edition, when it appears, will presumably give us a text more nearly 
representing Dante's orthography (Dr Toynbee has advisedly, and, we 
think, on principle, made no attempt to reproduce the mediaeval Latin 
spelling), but it is not likely to make many conspicuous changes in the 
text that he has constructed or to detract from the permanent value of 
his researches. We shall still need his volume as an indispensable com- 
panion to its successor. With the solitary exception of the Epistle to 
Can Grande (which still presents problems of every kind to be solved), 
Dr Toynbee has been able to collate all the known manuscripts of the 
Epistolae. His edition indeed is the first conducted on these lines. 
A comparison with the Oxford Dante will show how numerous and far- 
reaching his emendations and restorations of the text have been, with 
results that in the vast majority of cases will certainly command the 
general assent of scholars. Noteworthy features of the volume are the 
Introduction, dealing in an exhaustive fashion with the whole history 
of the Letters, and the Appendix on Dante and the Cursus, indicating 
the lines upon which the text of the De Monarchia and the De Vulgari 
Eloquentia should similarly be investigated, and bringing the Epistolae 
into relation with the main body of mediaeval epistolary correspondence. 
The application of the Cursus test has led Dr Toynbee to important 
emendations, and has its bearing even upon the question of authenticity. 
It is amusing to observe that Scartazzini found arguments for rejecting 
the Letter to Cardinal Niccol6 da Prato on the ground of those very 
abbreviations in the salutatio which Dr Toynbee shows to be strictly in 
accordance with mediaeval rules. 

184 Reviews 

An interesting point arises in connexion with the passage in the 
Letter to the Princes and Peoples of Italy in which Dante exhorts the 
Italians to meet the Emperor as their King : ' Evigilate igitur omnes, 
et assurgite regi vestro, incolae Latiales, non solum sibi ad imperium, 
sed, ut liberi, ad regimen reservati' (Epist. v, 6). Dr Toynbee renders the 
last clause : ' as being reserved not only as subjects unto his sovereignty, 
but also as free peoples unto his guidance.' Several passages of the 
De Monarchia might be cited in support of this interpretation (e.g. i, 12 
and 14). Francesco Ercole has argued that the imperium refers to the 
Empire, the regimen to the kingdom of Italy, the regnum italicum to be 
restored on a more ample scale which finds some confirmation in the 
alternative reading, rengnum for regimen, of the San Pantaleo manuscript. 
More recently, E. Pistelli has suggested as a .possible meaning that the 
Italians are reserved, not only to form part of the imperium as subjects, 
but also as free men to share in the regimen ; that is, to be not only 
ruled, but likewise rulers. This would be a notable anticipation of the 
'primato morale e civile' (cf. Mon. n, 3), and, in any case, the Letter 
as a whole stands as a landmark in the history of the national idea 
in Italy. 

The commentary shows the rich and careful scholarship which we 
expect from Dr Toynbee. Here and there, perhaps, a further classical 
reference might have been acceptable. For instance, the phrase Latiale 
capat (Epist. vill, 10) was clearly suggested by Lucan, Phars. I, 535. 
We notice two trivial slips which seem to have found their way into 
current Dante literature. In the sonnet to Cino da Pistoia, lo sono stato 
con amore insieme (p. '26), Dr Toynbee prints the ninth line : Perb nel 
cerchio della sua balestra. The right reading is palestra ; the ' balestra ' 
being, we believe, a mere misprint of Fraticelli's, piously reproduced by 
the first Oxford editor of the Canzoniere. Again, in Appendix B (p. 223), 
it is stated, with a reference to Villani (ix, 121), that Uguccione della 
Faggiuola was killed in the defeat of Can Grande before Padua. This 
is certainly not borne out by the words of the chronicler: 'Al detto 
assedio di Padova morio Uguccione della Faggiuola dentro nella cittade 
di Verona di suo male.' 



Italian Social Customs of the Sixteenth Century and their Influence on 
the Literatures of Europe. By THOMAS FREDERICK CRANE. New 
Haven: Yale University Press; London: H. Milford. 1920. 8vo. 
xv + 689 pp. 

The title of this attractive volume the fifth in the series of Cornell 
Studies in English hardly suggests its contents. It is not a general 
study of Italian society during the Renaissance, but an elaborate in- 
vestigation of certain forms of entertainment more particularly the 
'parlour-game,' and the 'use of Questions and Story-telling as a social 

Reviews 185 

observance in Europe' traced in literature from the time of the Pro- 
venal troubadours down to the end of the seventeenth century. The 
theme has never been treated before with such comprehensive detail, 
nor do we know of any other single book that covers the same ground. 
As the author rightly insists, ' the polite society of Europe is of French 
origin, but profoundly modified by Italy.' He accordingly guides his 
readers from the troubadours and their theories of love, the Provengal 
tenzon and the French jeu-parti, to the main subject of analogous 
developments in Italian literature from Boccaccio to the courtly and 
social treatises, the novels and dialogues of the Quattrocento and 
Cinquecento. Thence we pass to the influence of this aspect of Italian 
life upon France, England, and Germany (treated more slightly), the 
whole concluding with a curiously interesting chapter on the imitation 
of Italian social observances in Spain during the sixteenth and seven- 
teenth centuries. Some of the Italian works analysed as, for example, 
the Filocolo and the Cortegiano are familiar enough even to the 
general reader ; others like the Discorsi of Annibale Romei, the Civil 
Conversazione of Stefano Guazzo, the Dialogo de Giuochi of Girolamo Bar- 

fagli are probably unknown save to professed students and specialists, 
'he last-named work is a typically Sienese contribution to the litera- 
ture of the subject. The veglie and trattenimenti at Siena, with their 
' giuochi di spirito,' had the same reputation of primacy in their own 
field towards the end of the Cinquecento as the representations of 
comedies had had at Ferrara at an earlier epoch. 'Nelle vigilie sue la 
bella Siena' gave Marino a comparison and standard for the disports of 
his nymphs and shepherds in the Adone. ' 

A few slips and omissions are inevitable in a work on this scale. 
Among the useful bibliographical footnotes, we find no reference to 
Arnaldo della Torre's important work on the Accademia Platonica of 
Florence, or to Henri Hauvette's masterly monograph on Luigi Ala- 
manni. Illustrations for society in the south of Italy might have been 
drawn from the dialogues and poetry of Pontano. It can hardly be said 
that the people of Siena called upon the Emperor Charles V to deliver 
them from the despotism of one of their noble families (p. 297). King 
Ferdinand I of Naples is confused with his son and successor, Alfonso 
(p. 435), and the Marchese del Vasto is described as the 'husband' of 
Vittoria Colonna -who was, of course, the wife of his cousin, the 
Marchese di Pescara (p. 177). We are mystified by a statement that 
the Hecatommithi of Giovan Battista Giraldi 'was written about the 
same time' as the Vita civile of Matteo Palmieri (p. 373)-p-but this, no 
doubt, is a mere slip of the pen. For the rest, Professor Crane has given 
us a laborious and useful contribution to the knowledge of one of the 
minor aspects of social life in the Renaissance. 


186 Reviews 

Four Plays of Gil Vicente. Edited from the editio princeps (1562), with 
Translation and Notes. By AUBREY F. G. BELL. Cambridge : 
University Press. 1920. 8vo. liii + 98 pp. 20s. 

The vitality of Portuguese culture, that will cause it to outlive in 
India and China our own contributions to the new civilizations of 
Africa and Asia, can be readily realized by reading Mr Bell's translations 
of the Auto da Alma of Gil Vicente. No extracts are necessary, for it was 
first published in the Modern Language Review and the present version 
is substantially the same, though some weak passages have been strength- 
ened. The poem, as Mr Bell points out in his interesting introduction, is 
a product of the European renaissance which expressed itself in Portugal 
in a new spiritual emotion rather than in a new intellectual energy. It 
was in a word revivalist rather than rationalist as elsewhere. And in this 
play of Gil Vicente the fervour of religious feeling rises to a region rarely 
reached even among those who were once the faithful subjects of the 
' most faithful' sovereign. 

But this is only one side of Gil Vicente though it is the side 
evidently with which Mr Bell is most in sympathy. Gil Vicente is also 
the great exponent of the national spirit and character of Portugal. The 
Exhortation to War, of which Mr Bell gives us a spirited translation, is 
an interesting illustration of the calls to a crusade for Christianity that 
eventually cost Portugal not only her imperial possessions but her 
national position. Many passages in it read curiously like the patriotic 
appeals of a few years ago. In the two other plays here translated, 
especially in the Farce of the Carriers and in the Pastoral of the Estrella> 
we have living pictures of the national life of this gay and gallant race 
in its brilliant and all too brief golden age. Our own Will, whom the 
Portuguese Gil so closely and curiously resembles both in career and 
capacity, has not given us more entertaining and convincing character 
sketches of his countrymen. And it is here that the task of the trans- 
lator may become as Chaucer said c a great penaunce' both to himself and 
his reader. It is impossible to translate Mistress Quickly or Brigida Vaz. 

It is probably for this reason that Mr Bell has not included in these 
translations such a play as the Ship of Hell, which shows what will be to 
many of his modern readers the most interesting side of Gil Vicente. 
We should scarcely gather either from Mr Bell's careful summary of the 
little known about him or from the review of his works what a Bolshe- 
vist Gil Vicente was. He was not as Mr Bell correctly points out a 
Lutheran, but he was a tremendous Lollard. He is indeed as superior 
to Shakespeare in his philosophy of life as he is inferior to him in lyric 
and dramatic poetry. Though Court playwright under the bigoted 
absolutism of Manoel the Fortunate, he made himself through his plays 
the champion of the poor against the proud, of reason against reaction, 
of Christianity against Clericalism. No wonder his plays were put in the 
Index as soon as the Spanish occupation and Spanish inquisition put 
Portuguese national life to the peine forte et dure. No wonder that this 
most spiritual, most national and most radical of Portuguese poets was 

Reviews 187 

not again disinterred after the restoration of the Braganza despotism. 
He was indeed only restored to Portuguese literature early in the last 
century by the radical-romantics headed by Almeida Garrett ; and he has 
only recovered his pre-eminence since the republican revolution of 1908. 
It would perhaps be too much to expect Mr Bell to complete this rehabili- 
tation so far as we are concerned by publishing translations of the 
Barca do Inferno, but it would be a most beneficial undertaking. 

Most new comers to Portuguese literature travel thither by way of the 
Lusiads and arrive, if they survive at all, somewhat wearied with that long 
long voyage in the highly select company of Portuguese heroes and pagan 
deities. They would do better to let Gil Vicente take them to a Shake- 
spearian country fair, to a Chaucerian domestic interior on the unexpected 
return of a husband from the India Voyage, or to a Shavian argument 
between a defunct Don Juan and a debonair devil. They will fall in love 
first with Gil and then with Portugal; and they will learn from both much 
that will throw a new light on life. For Gil Vicente is Portugal, and 
Portugal has the peculiarity of doing very picturesquely what we shall 
do rather prosaically some generations or centuries later. Thus the epitaph 
Gil wrote for himself, of which Mr Bell regrettably only quotes one line, 
might well have been written by Portugal as a warning to us. 

For the day of judgement waiting 
here I lie in lodging lowly 
wearied with life's labours, slowly 

All must be laid on this shelf. 
Reader, ponder well this pass. 
Take me as thy looking glass 
and looking on me look to thyself. 


Deutsche Grammatik. Band V. Teil IV : Wortbildungslehre. Von 
HERMANN PAUL. Halle : Max Niemeyer. 1920. 8vo. vi + 142pp. 
9 M. 

In a pathetic note prefacing this volume which forms the conclusion 
of the Deutsche Grammatik, Professor Paul asks that any deficiencies be 
excused on the ground of his failing eyesight. We can assure him that his 
right, hand has not lost its cunning and are grateful to his able coadjutors 
(Frau Loewenfeld, Paul Gercke and Rudolf Bllimel) for encouraging him 
to complete his labours. 

The ' Wortbildungslehre ' can be rightly appreciated only as a part of 
the whole grammar, the scope of which is indicated in the preface to 
vol. I. The strength of the work lies in the careful and valuable collec- 
tion of linguistic data from the later periods of New High German, 
especially the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. W T hereas Kluge's 
handy Abriss der deutschen Wortbildungslehre shows a certain predilec- 
tion for Middle High German and early N.H.G. forms and Wilmann's 
elaborate and indispensable study is particularly (though by no means 

188 Reviews 

exclusively) concerned with the origins of the ' formantia ' in Gothic and 
Old High German, Paul's work brings the story down to the modern 
period. Each treatise will maintain its place and there is still room 
for a competent grammarian to concentrate upon contemporary speech 
with a view to estimating the ' expectation of life ' of the formative 
elements still surviving. Or it might be feasible to extend the present 
work in that direction in the subsequent editions which, we hope, will 
be necessary, for Paul himself admits that he could not rest this volume 
on such a broad basis as his Syntax. The following suggestions (mainly 
additional examples drawn from present-day German) may contain a few 
points worthy of adoption ; they are offered as a tribute from one of the 
many foreign students of German, to whom Paul's name is a household 

In the sections dealing with nominal composition a nook might be 
found for forms like polnahe and landfem, whose first constituents stand 
in a directional (dat. or abl.) relation to the adjectives. To 14 corn- 
pounds of substantive + adjective where the former acts as a strengthening 
modifier might be added instancesof adjective modifiers, e.g. heisshungrig , 
bitterbose etc. (or perhaps better after 16). To the list of adjectives at 
the end of 18 (' nicht zahlreich ') might be appended schmelzflussig 
and compounds with pres. part., e.g. gluhendheiss, blendendweiss etc. To 

20 compounds of Vor add Vor abend, Vorkriegszeit (cf. Nachkriegs- 

zeit), Vorgeschichte. The 'Bahuvrihi' instances in 26 might be reinforced 
by Storenfried and Luginsland. Among the separable prefixes we miss 
zwischen, e.g. in zwischennehmen and sick zwischenklemmen (cf. Wagner, 
Grundfragen der allgemeinen Geologic, p. 58). In connexion with the 
double usage of the prefixes durch, uber etc. we note a growing tendency 
in technical writers to combine uber and unter with adjectives to form 
' inseparable ' verbs, cf. ubertieft, uberkaltet, unterkuhlt or even with sub- 
stantives durchtalt. To the uninflected composita in 39 add uberaus, 
immerdar, rundiueg. 

In Section B (Derivation) it would be unreasonable to expect ex- 
haustive word-lists to illustrate such living suffixes as -er and -ung\ it 
is therefore better to confine the inevitable addenda to cases of special 
interest, in which exhaustiveness appears to have been aimed at. Under 
-er 45 p. 58 add Kundschafter. Additional cases of transition to 
' nomina actionis ' on p. 60 are Schnitzer and Spritzer. Among the -ner 
forms on p. 61 we miss Kirchner, Plattner (both common as proper 
names), Kdtner (a crofter) and Wochnerin, and to -ler on p. 62 add 
Finkler, Kompromissler and the neologism Hakenkreuzler. The curious 
form Imker from Low German might have been subjoined. To 48 
-ing add Bavarian form Fasching and Low German Helling. As -ling is 
so frequently requisitioned by the purists for ' Verdeutschungen,' Paul 
deliberately gives but a small selection ; as curiosities we might quote 
Sigismund's stages of babyhood, viz. Ldchling, Sehling, Greifling, 
Kriechling, Ldiifling, Sprechling ! On p. 67 the jocular Wanzerich 
quoted might be capped by Brduterich. In the next section we rather 
painfully miss the abstracts fiichte, Diirre, Ode, Schiefe and the adverb- 

Reviews 189 

derivative Quere (p. 68). The exiguous list of -ung derivatives from 
substantives ( 55 p. 73) might be strengthened by Wandung and Dunen- 
talung, both used by the geographer Penck, and the Gewandung of the 
sculptor. To the note following 57 on p. 79 must now be added 
Entscheid, which occurs in Volksentscheid in the new German constitution. 
A considerable number of examples of the extended -erei are given on 
pp. 81 if., but several important ones are omitted, viz. Gaunerei, Hetzerei, 
Horcherei, Klatscherei, Liebedienerei, Prasserei, Quacksalberei, Qudlerei, 
Schererei, Schleicherei, Schnurrpfeifereien, Schwatzerei, Schwelgerei, 
Stdnkerei, Stumperei among others. An additional case of -erei unsup- 
ported by any corresponding ' nomen agentis ' is Schurkerei. Again -elei 
occurs also in Bummelei, Deutschtumelei, Klugelei, Kunstelei, Lobhudelei, 
Pldnkelei, Teufelei. The fertility of -turn 61 may be gauged by three 
additional examples drawn from a single work Pollitz, Die Psychologie 
des Verbrechers, 1908 viz, Hochstaplertum, Landstreichertum, Vagabun- 
dentum 1 . In 62 the collective function of -schaft is further illustrated 
by Geschworenenschaft, Turnerschaft, Wdhlerschaft&udwe miss Schwan- 
ger schaft from the adjective-derivatives in -schaft, as also Eigenheit from 
those in -heit on p. 85. The longish list of -heit derivatives from parti- 
cipial adjectives omits Befangenheit, Beschrdnkth&it, Besessenheit, Ge- 
schicktheit, Gewandtheit, Unbeholfenheit, Unverdrossenheit, and the note on 
p. 86 disregards Obliegenheit. Under 64 it is worthy of note that -isch 
also requires -keit, cf. Murrischkeit, and a place might be found for 

As to the adjectives the following insertions seem worthy of recom- 
mendation: 67 -isch, derivatives from substantives in -er, haus- 
hdlterisch, qudlerisch and to Anm. 2 on p. 92 add einbildisch (Schiller's 
Rduber m, 1) ; 68 -ig p. 93, where the long list omits blasig, gasig, 
markig, schlackig, tonig, wabig ; 73 add Luckenhaft, namhaft, schrullen- 
haft, triebhaft on p. 99, and flegelhaft, gonnerhaft, hunenhaft, jungling- 
haft, Idmmerhaft, riesenhaft, trummerhaft on p. 100; -5am, p. 101, 
anschmiegsam, unterhaltsam ; 75 -lich, p. 102 add polizeilich, p. 103 
geflissentlich. The adjective doublets (and triplets) in 77 might be 
supplemented by ekel eklig ekelhaft, fordersamfdrderlich, parteilich 
parteiisch, riesig riesenhaft, wider lich widrig. In 78 not only -voll, 
but other ' full ' words like -reich, -artig, -formig etc. were worthy of a 
" brief notice in their capacity as suffix equivalents. Among the verbs the 
only palpable omissions appear to be : 84, drdngeln, zischeln, 85 -igen 
in kundigen, verfestigen. The suffix -warts is missing from the ' Inde- 

It is a little regrettable that the author did not see his way, as 
Wilmanns and Kluge did, to include sections dealing with such foreign 
suffixes as -ik, -tat, -age at any rate in so far as they have shown new 
signs of vitality in German hands. Of particular interest would be 
German coinages like Germanistik etc. and hybridizations like Zotologie. 
Nor have we seen any mention of the neat method of word-building 

1 The continued productivity of the corresponding English suffix is evidenced by the 
occurrence of negrodom in a recent newspaper review. 

190 Revieivs 

practised by the German geologist and archaeologist with their Nor- 
folkium, Magdalenium etc. or of the specialization of the suffix -ig by the 
chemist, e.g. schweflige Sdure (sulphurous acid, against Schwefelsdure, 
sulphuric acid). And when shall we see a comprehensive survey of the 
difference in function between -al and -ell (real, reell] original etc.)? 
Finally a short resume of the results of the investigation, indicating 
what ' formantia ' are really alive and vigorous to-day, might conceivably 
add further value to a work, which is already so full of interesting details. 


Gottfried Kellers Leben, Briefe und Tagebiicher. Von EMIL ERMA.TINGER. 
3 Bande. Stuttgart: J. G. Gotta. 1920. 8vo. Vol. I, xii + 677 pp. ; 
Vol. n, 531 pp. ; Vol. in, 602 pp. 67 M. 50. 

In recent years a large number of excellent monographs have appeared 
on the subject of Gottfried Keller's works. It was hence highly desirable 
that Bachtold's biography should be brought up to date. Instead of 
leaving his predecessor's work intact and adding copious notes or 
appendices, Prof. Ermatinger adopted the course of re-modelling the 
whole book, and expanding it to three times its original size. It was 
a method fraught with many dangers. Bachtold's work was the standard 
life of Keller, written by a man who knew him intimately. It presented 
the poet's personality to us from a definite point of view, in a style which 
had real literary merit. Rightly recognizing this, Prof. Ermatinger 
incorporated the greater part of Bachtold's text in his own work, 
thus preserving much masterly criticism and many a felicitous phrase. 
Unfortunately the added portions have altered the whole character of 
the book. Prof. Ermatinger's main purpose was to investigate Gottfried 
Keller's philosophical, religious, and political convictions, and to define 
his place in German literature as a novelist and lyric poet. He has 
devoted to this task many years of work. However, his canons of literary 
criticism are radically different from those of Bachtold. On several 
occasions he expressly draws our attention to such differences of opinion, 
and once even attacks Bachtold with undue severity (pp. 679 seq.). It is 
rather strange that the man who wrote the finest passages in the book 
should only be referred to in the third person (' Bachtold erzahlt ' ; 
'Bachtold berichtet'; 'nach Bachtold') and that Bachtold's biography 
should be included (p. 530) in the work. 

Prof. Ermatinger has made a careful study of certain literary and 
philosophical questions. He speaks of Hegel and Feuerbach with the 
authority of a specialist. But he is not free from the shortcomings of a 
mere specialist. He is apt to lose his sense of proportion and become 
lost in detail. His lengthy account of Keller's defraudations (635-7) is 
excellent local history, but of no interest to a larger public. We do not 
want to know the names of every petty demagogue who strove for political 
power in 1867. Instead of selecting a few salient traits to characterize 
the chief persons with whom Keller came into contact Prof. Ermatinger 

Reviews 191 

inserts a small biography, which is so evidently an interpolation, and 
would be more in its place in an encyclopaedia. There are unnecessary 
repetitions (Ursula's bad housekeeping is mentioned three times: pp. 13, 
429, 525 ; the friendship with Storm should be dealt with on p. 565, 
and not on p. 539). 

Prof. Ermatinger's system of classification is too artificial, his analogies 
vague or misleading. Thus he elaborates a parallel between the spirit of 
the age in 1770 and that of 1840. He contends that both dates mark 
a change from rationalism to realism, both in philosophy and literature. 
The flaw in the argument is obvious. There was no movement in 1840 
which corresponded to the 'Sturm und Drang'; neither ' Jungdeutschland' 
nor ' Heimatkunst ' could be thus described. The only resemblance we 
can see is of quite a general character ; it might be termed in Bergsonian 
phrase : the conflict between creative evolution and tradition or inertia. 
This struggle recurs every generation. 

The growth of scientific accuracy in nineteenth-century historical 
fiction he attributes solely to development of historical science. Alexis, 
Hauff, and Scheffel are all characterized, but Scott's name is not even 
mentioned. Surely a word might have been added about the rise of 
philology. It was Scott and Grimm and not Ranke who made Ekkehard 

It is possible to do full justice to Keller without depreciating other 
writers. Prof. Ermatinger treats the 'Miinchener Kreis' very patronizingly 
(613 seq.) ; he cannot forgive Morike for being a mere lyric poet (' Die 
aktuellen Probleme der Zeit, vor denen Morike sich scheu verkriecht,' 
p. 139); and considers it a fault in Holderlin that he was a romanticist 
(p. 303). Leuthold, he says, lacks personality (p. 139). 

We admire Keller for what he was, rather than for what he was not. 
Jt is a mistake to see in him a consistent philosopher. It is hard to 
believe that he disapproved of Lange because the latter was not sufficiently 
logical and because he committed the grievous error of combining Hegel 
and Schleiermacher (p. 308). 'Ein Leben, dern nichts Menschliches fremd 
war' scarcely applies to Keller. Nor could we say that Die Leute von 
Seldwyla stands ' zwischen Romantik und Realismus und liber beiden.' 
If it be true that in Keller's eyes everything that is natural is moral, he 
was a very poor philosopher. It is, finally, scarcely credible that Heinrich 
Lee's three loves, Anna, Judith, and Dortchen Schonfund were really 
inspired by Hegel's thesis, antithesis, and synthesis. 



The Position of the ' Roode en Witte Roos' in the Saga of King 
Richard III. By OSCAR J. CAMPBELL (Univ. of Wisconsin Studies 
in Lang, and Lit., v). Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin. 8vo. 169 pp. 
50 cents. 

In this volume Professor Campbell has not only given us a careful 
edition of L. van den Bosch's 'blyeindent treurspel/ but also a prose 
translation of it which is entirely reliable. In his Introduction he is 

192 Reviews 

only concerned with what information the play may supply as to the 
development of the dramatic treatment in England of King Richard's 
story. That Van den Bosch worked upon an English original, now lost, 
indeed, that he followed it very closely, we may assume both on the 
ground of what we know of his translating habits and of internal 
evidence. The great question is, what date to give to that lost English 
play. De Roode en Witte Roos was published in 1651, that is to say in 
any case long after the play on which it is founded, for it clearly presents 
the type of the chronicle play with a distinct Senecan flavour. At many 
points it offers a striking resemblance to Shakespeare's Richard III, 
but at other points it follows the chronicles much more closely. Also 
there are many striking similarities between the Dutch play and 
Thomas Legge's Latin Richardus Tertius, which was written at 
Cambridge probably about 1578, but published only in the nineteenth 
century. It is mainly in the Senecan passages that the similarities 
occur. Lastly Professor Campbell shows that there is ' but one resem- 
blance of a large constructive sort ' between Van den Bosch's play and 
the True Tragedy of Richard the Third, which first appeared in the 
Stationers Register in 1594, but was written probably about 1590. 

As Professor Campbell admits, it is impossible from these data 
to assign a date with absolute certainty to the lost play upon which Van 
den Bosch presumably worked. His hypothesis, however, seems very 
plausible. It is that the play was written by some university dramatist 
familiar with Thomas Legge's Richardus Tertius and influenced by its 
Senecan spirit, while seeking to adapt it to the popular stage. He 
probably wrote after the True Tragedy had been written, copying one 
effective scene from it. But he wrote before Shakespeare took up the 
subject, and the points of resemblance between Shakespeare's Richard 
III and De Roode en Witte Roos must be explained by Shakespeare 
having used the lost play. If that is so, Van den Bosch's translation 
would indeed supply a missing link in the development of the saga of 
King Richard III. It would, as Professor Campbell observes, ' help to 
explain the strong Senecan flavor of Shakespeare's Richard III, which 
has led numerous critics to believe that it must be the direct descendant 
of an earlier play.' 



English > German Literary Influences, Bibliography and Survey. By 
L. M. PRICE. 2 vols. (University of California Publications in 
Modern Philology, IX, 1, 2.) Berkeley, Cal.: Univ. of California 
Press. 1920. 8vo. 616 pp. $1.25, $4.00. 

As the title implies, this book consists of a full bibliography sup- 
plemented by a survey, in which the chief works on the list are reviewed 
and summarized, thus constituting a general sketch and commentary of 
English-German literary influences. ' Es sind also mehr Collectanea zu 
einem Buche, als ein Buch.' These words from the Laokoon occur to 

Reviews 193 

the reader as he puts down these volumes not, indeed, in any dis- 
paraging sense for it is evident that the arrangement adopted by the 
author really constitutes the main value of his book. Had he in any 
way sought to urge his own point of view, to press theories of his own, 
the work from being a most valuable mine of reliable information would 
have become a mere handbook of literature. As it is, the worker must 
be eternally grateful to Mr Price for the restraint which he has placed 
on his literary and critical talents which, to judge from the few passages 
where they are allowed to appear, are of no mean order. 

It was no doubt from similar motives that the sixteenth and seven- 
teenth centuries are only lightly touched upon in the Survey (they 
occupy barely 30 pages out of a total of 450). Workers in these centuries 
will still find the studies of Herford and Waterhouse indispensable. Only 
in one vital respect does Mr Price complete the work of Waterhouse 
by a chapter on the 'Englische Comedianten.' Nor does he deal with 
any English influences prior to the Reformation they are, it is true, 
relatively unimportant 1 , but the reader would have welcomed some com- 
prehensive review of the whole field. 

Mr Price's book must therefore be considered mainly as a history of 
the influences of England on Germany in the eighteenth and nineteenth 
centuries. He was confronted with a much more difficult task than 
either Herford or Waterhouse not only was the material with which 
he had to deal immensely superior in bulk (he lists just over 1000 titles 
in his Bibliography) 2 , but it was much more intangible in character, and, 
as he progressed, he was met with the highly complicated interrelations 
of French, English and German literatures, until by the time he reached 
the nineteenth century, it became almost impossible to unravel the 
tangled threads of mutual interdependence. 

Passing from generalities to details, there is one fact which must 
strike the investigator of English influences during the eighteenth cen- 
tury, and that is the large number of English works which reached 
Germany through the medium of French translation, and the importance 
of Amsterdam as a centre of publication and distribution. This was the 
case with most of the Moralische Wochenschriften (Survey, p. 191), with 
Pope (p. 200), with Elizabeth Rowe (p. 245), with Fielding (p. 386), 
and many of the German translations were made from these French 
intermediaries. These facts are not emphasized sufficiently and are some- 
times only ascertainable from a footnote (cp. note 7, p. 286). 

Much is made by the author of a principle of division adopted by 
his teacher, Professor A. R. Hohlfeld of the University of Wisconsin. 
The latter marks three distinct stages in the development of English 

1 Although the recent article of W. Braune in P. B. B. 43, 361 seq. proves conclusively 
that the Anglo-Saxon penetration under St Boniface was much more thorough than is 
usually supposed. 

2 I notice some slight omissions : F. von Zobeltitz, Eine Bibliographie der Robinsonaden 
in Zeitschrift fur Bucherfreunde, 1898, Nr. 8/9. P. Hume Brown in Surveys of Scottish 
History, Glasgow, 1919, does little more than sum up the work of German scholars in his 
chapter on Scottish influence during the eighteenth century. 

M.L. R. XVI. 13 

194 Reviews 

influence in Germany: (1) Addison and Pope and Thomson, who had 
certain strong French affiliations. Their chief exponent was Gottsched 
at Leipzig during the years 1720-40. (2) Milton and Young repre- 
senting the religious and emotional side of literature and advocated so 
strongly by Bodmer in Zurich between 1740-60. (3) We have finally 
the strongest wave of all, bearing Shakespeare, Ossian and Percy on its 
crest, and first introducing to the Germans genius, originality and spon- 
taneity. The twenty years from 1760-80 were thus the most fertile 
in German literature, and Goethe was the chief exponent of these new 
ideas. Any sub-division which renders easier the difficult task of treating 
the eighteenth century must always be welcome, but like all gene- 
ralizations of this kind it has the disadvantage of being inapplicable to 
individual cases. It is difficult, for instance, to fit so important an author 
as Lessing into the above scheme : presumably under one criterion he 
would go into the same compartment as Gottsched (imagine his disgust !) 
whilst he really has affinities with all three groups. 

To the average English reader the greatest interest will be aroused 
by Part II, ' Shakespeare in Germany,' than which no subject of Anglo- 
German literary relations has been more closely studied or presents 
greater difficulty. The literature is so voluminous that the present 
attempt to marshal it for discussion must necessarily prove extremely 
valuable. One of the most fascinating problems is that of Lessing's 
relation towards Shakespeare. We see how much of Lessing's Shake- 
speare criticism from the famous seventeenth Liter aturbrief onwards, 
and his preference for the English over the French drama, was really 
drawn from Dryden's Essay of dramatick poesie, which he himself had 
translated (1758) ; and how, further, this influence was already begin- 
ning to counteract that of Voltaire, and so led to the definite standpoint 
taken up in the Theatralische Bibliothek and, finally, in the Hambur- 
gische Dramaturgic. And if Lessing never really attained to a true 
appreciation of Shakespeare, it is noteworthy that Wieland understood 
him still less, as is evident from his translation, for which Herder 
declared himself ready ' to scratch out his eyes.' Just as Dryden for 
Lessing, so Young's Conjectures on original Composition were to prove 
all important for the attitude to Shakespeare of Hamann, Gerstenberg, 
Lenz, and through the former of Herder also. ' It was Herder who first 
presented Shakespeare in his totality to the German people after Lessing, 
Gerstenberg and Wieland had presented certain sides' (Survey, p. 431). 
The indebtedness of Goethe to Herder in regard to Shakespeare has 
lately been called in question, but without producing any very definite 
results. The subject is taken up again in chapter xvi in which the 
relations of the German classics to Shakespeare are discussed in con- 
nexion with Bb'htlingk's three books on Lessing, Goethe and Schiller. 
The attitude of the nineteenth century towards Shakespeare can be 
followed from the history of the Schlegel-Tieck-Baudissin translation 
and is carried through Kleist, Ludwig, Hebbel and Wagner down to 
Nietzsche. It is well to remember that, as a basis for this discussion of 
the relations of German literature to Shakespeare, Mr Price had the 

Reviews 195 

remarkable book of Gundolf, Shakespeare und der deutsche Geist, to the 
appreciation of which he devotes a whole chapter. 

A separate Part III is given to ' The Nineteenth Century and after.' 
At the beginning of the nineteenth century England no longer occupied 
the supreme position in literature that it had held a hundred years 
previously, for in the -meanwhile the Germans had created a classical 
period of their own from which to draw their inspiration. Nevertheless 
certain literary influences are still very active ; that of Sterne lingered 
on in Jean Paul and Heine, and other Romanticists, soon to make way 
however for the greater force of Scott and Dickens 1 . Burns, it must be 
noted, was riot known in Germany until the thirties and then mainly 
through the exertions of Carlyle. Moore's Lalla Rookh found many 
admirers, including Goethe. Browning and Tennyson also enjoyed great 
popularity in their day whilst Oscar Wilde, Swinburne and Mr Bernard 
Shaw were greater favourites with the Germans than with their own 
countrymen. But of all English lyric poets none has ever evoked more 
influence on the continent in general, and in Germany in particular, 
than Byron, whose ' Weltschmerz ' soon became a craze. In contrast 
with the weakening influence of English literature during the century, 
England's political system was still the cynosure of all German patriots, 
and England their refuge from the tyranny of their own governments, 
the Young German School in particular being loud in their admiration-. 

A last chapter 'America in German Literature 3 ' does full justice to 
the influence of such men as Fenimore Cooper (to whom Goethe felt 
much attracted) and who, for a time, rivalled his contemporary Scott 
for the first place in German affections. But apart from Cooper American 
prose seems to have been practically unknown. On the other hand 
Longfellow, Poe and Whitman have always attracted considerable atten- 
tion, the latter, indeed, becoming the object of a special cult. None of 
these poets seem, however, to have left any lasting impression on German 

Such is very briefly the contents of this valuable book ; the author 
may well be congratulated on the realization of the aim he had set 
himself: 'to draw up approximately the sum of our present knowledge 
of English > German influences, and by defining the known to suggest 
certain neglected episodes for later investigations.' It is to be hoped 
that some other scholar, equally well equipped, preferably Mr Price 
himself, may be induced by the success of this first venture to attempt 

1 The influence of Dickens on Eaabe has been treated by Selma Fliess, Grenoble, 1912. 

2 In this connexion should be mentioned the monograph of F. Muncker \fciich Mr Price 
has missed: Amchauungen vom englischen Staat und Volk in der deutschen Literatur der 
letzten vier Jahrhunderte. Erster Teil, Von Erasmus bis zu Goethe und den Bomantikern 
in Sitzungsberichte der Konigl. Bayer. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos.-philol. und 
hist. Klasse, Jahrgang 1918, 3. Abhaiidlung. Although the presentation is scrupulously 
objective yet one has the feeling all along that the author regrets the almost uniformly 
favourable impression of England and its people which he finds amongst these early 
German scholars and poets. He promises some more instructive and trustworthy revela- 
tions of the English character for the next chapter. 

3 Cp. the chapter Ubersee ' in W. Oehlke, Die deutsche Literatur seit Goethe* Tod, 
Berlin, 1920. 


196 Reviews 

the lighter and yet more elusive task of similarly defining the sum total 
of our literary obligations to Germany. 

In conclusion we cannot praise too highly the typographical arrange- 
ment of the work. Fortunate, indeed, are the American scholars who 
can induce publishers to undertake such magnificent series as that in 
which the present volume appears, and for whom the publication of a. 
learned book does not involve the assumption of a serious financial 


Norwegian Life and Literature: English Accounts and Views. By 
C. B. BURCHARDT. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1920. 8vo. viii + 
230 pp. 105. Qd. 

Mr C. B. Burchardt's work is a valuable contribution to our know- 
ledge of the development of English interest in Scandinavia and its- 
literature. It displays the same thoroughness and grasp of detail* as 
Mr Frank Farley's admirable treatise on Scandinavian Influences on the 
English Romantic Movement in the Eighteenth Century, with which it 
deserves to rank. The book also contains appendices with useful biblio- 
graphical material. 

The author comments on the absence in the first half of the nine- 
teenth century of any Englishman with a knowledge of Norwegian 
literature. It is possible that Sir John Bowring and George Borrow might 
have acquired that knowledge, had they received sufficient encourage- 
ment. Originally both possessed enthusiasm and some familiarity with 
the subject. But the reception with which their proposals for translating 
Norwegian and other Scandinavian authors met did not stimulate them 
to penetrate further. It is, however, of interest to note that Borrow 
translated Edvard Storm's Thorvald Vidforle and Zinklars Vise,. 
P. H. Frimann's Hortnelen and C. B. Tullin's Maidagen, though the two 
last have, to my knowledge, not yet been published. As Mr Burchardt's 
treatise was written in 1918, he may be excused for not knowing what 
was contained in Borrow's manuscripts. Similarly, his statement on 
p. 110 that 'Apart from Mr Gosse's pages on Wergeland and those 
written by Mr Latham thirty years before, no detailed account of the 
Norwegian poet has ever appeared in English ' was correct at the time 
it was written. Since then, however, Mr I. Grondahl's privately printed 
study of Wergeland has appeared. On the other hand it is unfortunate 
that so scholarly a work as Mr Burchardt's should contain the statement 
that ' Borrow's Danish ballads were imitated from A. S. Vedel's collection 
of Danish ballads' (p. 78, note 3). This view, so carefully spread by 
Borrow himself, was shown to be incorrect some years ago by Mr Edmund 

Mr Burchardt rightly makes merry over the ideas of Norway and 
the Norwegians to be found in English novelists who have laid the scene 
of their stories in Norway. Many of the travellers are not less delight- 

Reviews 197 

fully absurd, as witness H. Smith, who in his Tent Life in Norway tells 
how he came to a gate with the inscription ' Luk grinden ' (' Shut the 
gate '), which he clearly takes to be the name of the owner (' Luk ' = 
Luke) ! 

It is strange, as Mr Burchardt indicates, that on the whole so little 
attention should have been paid to translating Holberg's comedies. 
It is highly desirable that they should be better known. At the close 
of his treatise, Mr Burchardt points out how few translations have been 
made into English of modern Norwegian writers, such as Knut Hamsun. 
It is as if interest had been exhausted by Bjornson and Ibsen. No doubt 
it is all to the good that Mr Burchardt should have singled out the 
gaps in our knowledge of Norway and its literature and it is to be hoped 
that the various new organizations of which the author speaks will do 
something to remedy these deficiencies. 




In Dr J. H. H. Lyon's Study of The Newe Metamorphosis written by 
J. M. Gent., 1600 (New York : Columbia University Press ; London : 
H. Milford, 1919, 85. 6d.) we are introduced to a very curious produc- 
tion a poem of some 30,000 lines preserved in Add. MSS. 14824-6, 
written, as the editor shows, between 1600 and 1615, and extremely 
discursive in subject. As poetry, it is a work of a very low order, but it 
is clearly of value as a reflexion of Elizabethan life. Its account of 
Essex's capture of Cadiz in which the author took part is especially 
vivid and interesting. The editor gives a number of extracts from the 
poem which make us eager to have the whole, but his dissertation is 
mainly occupied with determining the identity of the author ' J. M. Gent.' 
The MS. had belonged to F. G. Waldron (1744-1818) who had jotted 
down the names of four men of letters with the required initials : John 
Marston, Jervase Markham, James Martin, John Mason. Since his time 
the work has been most generally ascribed to Marston. Dr Lyon dis- 
poses of Marston and the last two, and makes out a strong case for Jervase 
Markham (whose first name is however more frequently spelt ' Gervase '). 
Markham was however a voluminous writer both of prose and verse, and 
if he were ' J. M.' one would think that it would be possible to find 
passages in this MS. poem which were echoes, in thought of expression, 
of passages in Markham's acknowledged works. This the editor has not 
done, in fact he finds that Markham's verse style is far more ornate than 
J. M.'s. J. M. has peculiarities of language, e.g. he uses 'loade' = 'laden.' 
It is not shown that these are shared by Markham. We are left with 
only a general agreement between the two authors in an interest in fish 
and country pursuits and in a general sympathy with Puritanism. Till 
the proof has been pushed a little further, one must consider that J. M.'s 
identity with Markham is not yet established. 

198 Minor Notices 

One suspects that Dr Lyon has not always succeeded in reading his 
MS. correctly. He prints ' Gallemanfrey ' pp. 45, 160, ' Gradinus 'p. 171, 
'despate' (=' desperate ') pp. 183, 184, ' Outs' (?<Ours') p. 208, <upp' 
(? 'upper') p. 214. On pp. 178, 183 ' squilkes ' surely means ' skulks,' not 
' swills.' It is interesting to find J. M. saying of our war-ships : ' these 
are indeede our Englands wooden wals' (p. 193). 

G. C. M. S. 

On the Art of Reading, the third publication of the series of Sir 
Arthur Quiller-Couch's lectures on English Literature to Cambridge 
students (Cambridge: Univ. Press, 1920, 15$.) reaches the same high 
standard of excellence that characterized the two preceding volumes. 

The book contains much more than its title would appear to connote, 
dealing, as it does, with Children's Reading, Reading for Examinations, 
A School of English, The Value of Greek and Latin in English Literature, 
The Bible, Selection, and The Use of Masterpieces. 

Apart from its wide scope and sound erudition, an outstanding 
feature of the book is the interesting and inspiring method with which 
every subject is treated. 

The lecturer draws freely on his encyclopaedic knowledge of books 
and their writers, ancient, medieval, and moderp; the whole field of 
literature from Lear's Book of Nonsense to Aristotle and Plato being 
laid under contribution to provide felicitous quotation and apt illustration. 

The versatility of the author is specially noticeable, his treatment of 
children's reading being as facile and enlightening as his disquisition 
on the value of Greek and Latin in English Literature. 

Wit, humour, and pleasant discursiveness add to the charm of the 
lectures, and do not in the least detract from the tone of high serious- 
ness that animates the author and inspires the reader, and reaches its 
culmination in the concluding lecture ' The Use of Masterpieces ' in 
itself a masterpiece of artistic appreciation and eloquent appeal. 

The lectures are equally valuable to students for the English Tripos, 
to teachers of Literature in every type of school, and to the lover of 
reading for its own sake. 

J. H. 

Les Origines de la Poesie frangaise de la Renaissance, by Henri 
Chamard( Paris: Boccard,1920,12fr.)is a re-publication, with littlechange, 
of a course of lectures delivered at the Sorbonne in the winter of 1913- 
1914 and reported in the Revue des Cours et Conferences. M. Chamard 
begs his readers not to forget this, but one cannot help doubting 
whether these lectures, which were admirably suited to their original 
purpose, will be found equally useful to the student who reads them at 
this distance of time. At any rate there is not much in them for a critic 
to notice. We begin with a historical survey of the studies in French 
sixteenth -century poetry from 1828 to 1914 ; it is excellent as far as it 
goes, but it might have been carried with advantage down to 1920. In 
comparing Rabelais's Abbey of Thelema with Ronsard's account of his 

Minor Notices 199 

own daily life M. Chamard notes as a point of difference that Ronsard 
begins and ends his day with prayer. But he forgets, firstly, that at 
Thelema each member had his or her private chapel, and secondly that 
in the scheme of Gargantua's education the day ended with prayer, just 
as Rorisard's did. M. Chamard's account of the attitude of the Renais- 
sance to Christianity is perfectly just ; as he says, it tended to make 
religion much more individual, much less collective and social. He well 
defines Humanism as 'the cult of the Renaissance for classical antiquity.' 
The recently invented term of 'modern humanities' and the absurd 
definition of humanities as 'the whole civilization of a people' are the 
result of a hopeless confusion of thought. Finally, attention may be 
drawn to M. Chamard's conclusion, which is that the Renaissance ' was 
not a brusque rupture with the Middle Ages, but that the change was 
being prepared over a long period.' This is quite true; at the same time 
we must not forget that during the first quarter of the sixteenth century 
there was a marked quickening of the Renaissance spirit in France, which 
impressed itself very vividly upon contemporaries. 

A. T. 

Dr Lander Macclintock's work on Sainte-Beuve's Critical Theory and 
Practice after 1849 (Chicago : Univ. of Chicago Press ; Cambridge : 
Univ. Press, 1920, 1 dol. 25) has the great merit of treating adequately a 
clearly-marked period that which extends from Sainte-Beuve's return 
to Paris from Liege to his death in 1869. The more important dicta on 
the functions of criticism which Sainte-Beuve gave forth during this, his 
greatest, period are carefully collected and classified in seven chapters. 
This scholarly treatise is not easy to read, and it is not without its quota 
of curious misprints. But it throws a great deal of light on Sainte- 
Beuve's method, it is an able continuation of M. Michaut's Sainte-Beuve 
avant les Lundis and it takes an honourable place in the voluminous 
literature which criticizes the critic. 

R. L. G. R. 

Selections from Saint-Simon, edited by Arthur Tilley (Cambridge : 
Univ. Press, 1920, 8s.) and Cambridge Readings in French Literature, 
by the same editor (Cambridge : Univ. Press, 1920, 8s.) are attractive 
Anthologies which do honour to the width of Mr Tilley's reading and the 
catholicity of his taste The first presents, with a critical Introduction 
and the necessary historical notes, what are for most practical purposes 
the literary remains of Saint-Simon. The second, unfortunately marred 
by very frequent misprints, comprises both prose and poetry and com- 
memorates some of the great names in French History. The arrangement, 
according to subject-matter, seems somewhat arbitrary. Some conspicuous 
omissions are no doubt due to the wide field covered and to the copy- 
right exigencies of short-sighted publishers. Both Anthologies make a 
direct appeal to every lover of French literature. 

R. L. G. R. 

200 Minor Notices 

The new Oxford Italian Series opens well with two little volumes, 
Francesco de Sanctis, Two Essays : Giuseppe Parini, Ugo Foscolo, ed. by 
Piero Rebora, and Paolo Ferrari, Qoldoni e le sue sedici commedie nuove, 
edited by Arundell del Re (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1920, 3s. and 3s 6d.), 
of which there is a cheaper edition in cloth, without the prefaces and notes. 
There is a pleasing freshness in the selection. Francesco de Sanctis is 
still too little known in this country (though Addington Symonds bor- 
rowed somewhat copiously from him in his work on the Renaissance in 
Italy), and the two essays here presented by Dr Rebora are eminently 
characteristic, that on Ugo Foscolo, perhaps, representing the great 
Neapolitan critic at his best. The comedy of Paolo .Ferrari, for which 
Mr del Re claims that it ' marks a definite step in the development of the 
drama in Italy,' is a distinct and welcome novelty in a scholastic series. 
It might have been well to have added some guidance on the Venetian 
dialect, for fuller elucidation of the speeches of ' el nobile Grimani.' In 
both volumes there is an adequate bibliography, and the notes are good 
and useful, though we would suggest that (in the notes on De Sanctis) 
it is hardly accurate to describe Maria Teresa as ' Empress of Austria in 
Parini's time.' The principle of accentuation adopted, the indication of 
the stress accent by a grave stroke without any discrimination between 
open and close vowels, may frighten our teachers of phonetics from 
their propriety, though we have no doubt that the general editor of 
the series can make out a good case for the proceeding. The series 
promises to supply welcome substitutes for the more hackneyed texts 
too long in vogue in our Italian classes and will fill a real need for the 
private student. We wish the enterprise every success. ' 

E. G. G. 

Professor G. Baldwin Brown and Mr Bruce Dickins of the University 
of Edinburgh write to us as follows : 

'Will you kindly grant us permission through the hospitality of your 
columns to make the following appeal for help in an archaeological 
undertaking ? We are preparing for publication by the Cambridge 
University Press an Annotated Corpus of Runic Inscriptions in Great 
Britain, on or in stone, bone, wood, metal, or other such material, and 
we shall be most grateful if any of your readers interested in the subject 
will kindly bring under our notice any newly-discovered specimen and 
any example which we are not likely to know. Runically inscribed 
objects contained in the larger and better-known public collections, or 
published in archaeological works of national scope, we shall naturally 
have on our list, but as regards those in private hands or in local collec- 
tions of the smaller type, we shall be very glad of information, if corre- 
spondents will kindly send it to one of us.' 

December, 1920 February, 1921. 


BALDENSPERGER, F., Litterature comparee : le mot et la chose (Rev. de Lit. 

comp. i, 1, Jan.). 

BROWN, S. J., The Realm of Poetry: an Introduction. London, G. G. Harrap. 5s. 
HUEBNER, F. M., Europas neue Kunst und Dichtung. Berlin, J. Springer. 10 M. 

MCKNIGHT, G. H., Ballad and Dance (Mod. Lang. Notes, xxxv, 8, Dec.). 
OLIVERO, F., Studies in Modern Poetry. London, H. Milford. 7s. Qd. 
OMOND, T. S., A Study of Metre. London, De la More Press. 7s. Qd. 
URDANG, G., Der Apotheker im Spiegel der Literatur. Berlin, J. Springer. 20 M. 


ASIOLI, L., Dante Alighieri : la sua opera, la sua fede. Ravenna. L. 2.50. 
BERTACCHI, G., II primo romanticismo lombardo. Padua, G. Parisotto. 
COCHIN, H., Petrarque (Les Cent Chefs-d'oeuvre etrangers). Paris, Renaissance 

du Livre. 4 fr. 
CORTESE, G., Delle ragioni perchk Dante Alighieri scrisse in italiano la Divina 

Commedia. Rome, A. Signorelli. L. 12.50. 

CORTI, C., La riforma teatrale di C. Goldoni. Como, Provvidenza. 
CROCE, B., II sesto centenario dantesco e il carattere della poesia di Dante. 

Discorso. Florence, Sansoni. L. 2.50. 
DANTE ALIGHIERI, The Divine Comedy. With Translation and Commentary 

by C. Langdon. n. Purgatorio. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard Univ. Press; 

London, H. Milford. 21s. 

Dante-Jahrbuch, Deutsches. v. Jena, E. Diederichs. 20 M. 
DE SANCTIS, F., Two Essays : Giuseppe Parini ; Ugo Foscolo. Ed. by P. Rebora. 

Oxford, Clarendon Press. 3s. 
FRESTA, M., II regno di Sicilia nella opera di Dante Alighieri. Acireale, Tip. 

Orario delle ferrovie. L. 8. 
GOLDONI, C., La vedova scaltra (Bibl. romanica, 260, 261). Strasbourg, J. H. E. 

Heitz. 3 M. 

GRILLO, E., Early Italian Literature, n. London, Blackie. 10s. Qd. 

HASSE, E., Dantes gottliche Komodie. Das Epos vom inneren Menschen. Eine 

Auslegung. 2. Aufl. Kempten, J. Kosel. 20 M. 
HAZARD, P., L'invasion des litte"ratures du Nord dans PItalie du xviii 6 

siecle (Rev. de Lit. comp. i, 1, Jan.). 

SCARANO, N., La miscredenza del Manzoni (Giorn. stor. della lit. ital., 
Ixxvi, 3). 

202 New Publications 

SERRA, R., Scritti critici. u. Eome, La Voce. L. 7. 

Sonetti burleschi e realistic! dei primi due secoli a cura di A. F. Massera 

(Scrittori d'ltalia, 88, 89). Bari, Laterza. L. 17. 
SPITZER, L., Die Umschreibungen des Begriffes 'Hunger' ini Italienischen 

(Zeitschr. f. rom. Phil., Beihefte, Ixix). Halle, M. Niemeyer. 42 M. 
TORRACA, F., Lettere di Dante (Nuov. Ant., Dec. 1). 


Cambridge Readings in Spanish Literature. Ed. by J. Fitzmaurice-Kelly. Cam- 
bridge, Univ. Press. 10s. 
DIAZ-JIMENEZ Y MOLLEDA, E., Clemente Sanchez de Vercial (Rev. fit. esp., 

vii, 3, 4). 

FITZMAURICE-KELLY, J., Fray Luis de Leon. A Biographical Fragment (His- 
panic Society of America). London, H. Milford. 7s. Qd. 
FORD, J. D. M., Main Currents of Spanish Literature. London, Constable. 15s. 

JUD, J., Acerca de 'ambuesta' y 'almuerza' (Rev. fit. esp., vii, 3, 4). 
MENE"NDEZ PIDAL, R., Estudios literarios. Madrid. 6 pes. 

MEN^NDEZ PIDAL, R., Sobre geografia folk!6rica (Rev.Jtt. esp., vii, 3, 4). 
UNAMUNO, M. DE, Contribuciones a la etimologfa castellana (Rev. fil. esp. y 
vii, 3, 4). 


DANTAS, J., Dramatische Dichtungen, herausg. von L. Ey (Neuere portugiesische 

Schriftsteller, iii). Heidelberg, J. Groos. 6 M. 
FIGUEIREDO, F. DE, A Critica Litteraria como sciencia. 3a ed. Lisbon, Livr. 


JORGE, R., F. Rodrigues Lobo. Estudo biografico e critico. Coimbra, Imp. da 


(a) General (incl. Linguistic). 

BARBIER, P., Les noms des poissons d'eau douce dans les textes latins (Rev. 
de Phil, franp., xxxii, 2). 

GILLIE"RON, J., Patologie et teVapeutique verbales (suite) (Rev. phil. franc., 
xxxii, 2). 

SCHMIDT, H., Beitrage zur franzosischen Syntax, xiv (Neuere Sprachen, 

xxviii, 5, 6). 

TOBLER, A., Vermischte Beitrage zur franzosischen Grammatik. I. 3. Aufl. 
Leipzig, S. Herzel. 30 M. 

(6) Old French. 

Couronnement de Louis, Le, ed. par E. Langlois (Classiques fran9. du moyen- 

age). Paris, E. Champion. 6 fr. 
FRANK, G., The * Palatine Passion ' and the Development of the Passion 

Play (Publ. M. L. A. Arner., xxxv, 4, Dec.). 
LERCH, E., Einfiihrung in das Altfranzosische (Phil. Studienbiicher). Leipzig, 

B. G. Teubner. 13 M. 50. 
Mysteres et Moralite's du Manuscrit 617 de Chantilly. Publics par G. Cohen 

(Bibl. du xv e Siecle). Paris, E. Champion. 30 fr. 
Nostre Dame del Tumbeor. Altfranzosische Marienlegende (Rornanische 

Texte, i). Berlin, Weidmann. 3 M. 40. 
Roman de la Rose, Le, public par E. Langlois, ii (Soc. des anciens textes 


New Publications 203 

(<?) Modern French. 

ADDAMIANO, N., Delle opere poetiche francesi di J. du Bellay e delle sue imita- 

zioni italiane. Naples, Detken e Rocholl. L. 12. 
BOSSUET, J. B., Lettres sur 1'education du Dauphin. Introd. et notes par E. 

Levesque. Paris, Bossard. 12 fr. 

BOUHOURS, D., Entretiens d'Ariste et d'Eugene. Ed. par R. Radmont. 12 fr. 
BREMONT, H., Histoire litteraire du sentiment religieux en France depuis la fin 

des guerres de religion jusqu'& nos jours. 2 vols. Paris, Bloud et Gay. 

20 fr. 
BRIEUX, E., E. Augier, chevalier de la bourgeoisie (Rev. d. deux Mondes, 

Jan. 1 and 15). 
CHATEAUBRIAND, F. R. DE, Vie de Ranee. Introd. et notes de J. Benda. Paris, 

Bossard. 12 fr. 
CHATEAUBRIAND, F. R. DE, Voyage an Mont Blanc. Nouv. ed., suivie d'une 

^tude sur Chateaubriand et la Montagne, par G. Faure. Valence, J. Ceas. 
CHOISY, L. F., Sainte-Beuve : I'honame et le poete. Paris, Plon-Nourrit. 7 fr. 50. 
COHEN, G., Ecrivains, fran9ais en Hollande dans la premiere moitie du xvn e 

siecle. Paris, E. Champion. 50 fr. 
COURIER, P. L., Lettres ecrites de France et d'ltalie. Annotees par L. Coquelin. 

Paris, Larousse. 4 fr. 50. 
DANCOURT, F. C. DE, et SAINT- YON, Le chevalier & la mode (Bibl. romanica, 

262, 263). Strasbourg, J. H. E. Heitz. 3 M. 

DE ANNA, L., F. Sarcey : sa vie et ses ceuvres. Florence, Bemporad. L. 8.50. 
Du BELLAY, J., La defience et illustration de la langue frangoise (Roman. Texte, 

ii). Berlin, Weidmann. 6 M. 
Du BELLAY, J., Les Regrets. Avec introd. et notes par R. de Beauplan. Paris, 

Sansot. 5 fr. 
D'URFJS, H., L'Astree. Publiee par H. Vaganay, I (Bibl. romanica, 257-259). 

Strasbourg, J. H. E. Heitz. 9 M. 
F^NELON, De 1'education des filles. Introd. et notes par A. Cherel. Paris, Ha- 

chette. 6 fr. 30. 
FENELON, Ecrits et lettres politiques. Publics sur les MSS. par C. Urbain. 

Paris, Bossard. 12 fr. 

GABRIELLI, A., Rousseau e il Teatro (Nuova Ant., Dec. 1). 
GAULTIER, P., Les mattres de la pensee franaise: P. Hervieu, E. Boutroux, 

H. Bergson, M. Barres. Paris, Payot. 7 fr. 50. 
GIANASSO, F., La preciosite et Moliere. Turin, Soc. tip. ed. Nazionale. 

GIDE, A., E. Verhaeren (Rev. held., Jan. 15). 

LA FONTAINE, J. DE, Theatre choisi. Paris, Soc. litt. de France. 40 fr. 
HUGO, V., La Preface de Cromwell (Roman. Texte, iii). Berlin, Weidmann. 6 M. 
LANSON, G., Esquisse d'une Histoire de la Tragedie fran9aise. New York, 

Columbia Univ. Press ; London, H. Milford. 5s. 60?. 
LANTOINE, A., P. Verlaine et quelques-uns. Paris, Livre mAisuel. 5 fr. 

LARAT, J., Un voyageur romantique en Angleterre: Ch. Nodier (Anglo- 
French Rev., iv, 5, Dec.). 

MALLARME, S., Vers de circonstance. Paris, Nouv. Rev. frang. 8 fr. 50. 
MARGUERITTE, M., Le roman d'une grande ame : Lamartine. Paris, Plon- 
Nourrit. 10 fr. 

MONTIGNY, M., En voyageant avec Mad. de Sevigne\ Paris, E. Champion. 6 fr. 
MULERTT, W., F. Villons Fortleben in Wissenschaft und Dichtung (Neuere 

Spr., xxviii, 7, 8). 

204 New Publications 

MUSSET, A. DE, On ne badine pas avec 1'amour. Ed. suivie de notes et de 

variantes. Paris, Ores. 20 fr. 
KAYNAUD, E., La mele'e symboliste. n. 1890-1900. Paris, Renais. du Livre. 

KEGNARD, J. F., La Provengale, suivie de la Satire centre les maris. Ed. par 

E. Pilon. Paris, Bossard. 
SEILLIERE, E., G. Sand, mystique de la passion, de la politique et de 1'art. Paris, 

Alcan. 10 fr. 

SERBAN, N., Pierre Loti : sa vie et son oeuvre. Paris, E. Champion. 5 fr. 
SERBAN, N., A. de Vigny et Frederic II : etude d'influence litteraire. Paris, 

E. Champion. 3 fr. 

SPITZER, L., Studien zu H. Barbusse. Bonn, F. Cohen. 8 M. 
STENDHAL, Lettres & Pauline. Notes de L. Eoyer et de la Tour du Villars. 

Paris, La Connaissance. 16 fr. 

SYMONS, A., Charles Baudelaire. London, E. Mathews. 15s. 
TAILLANDIER, Mad. SAINT-RENE\ Mad. de Maintenon. Preface de P. Bourget. 

Paris, Hachette. 20 fr. 
VAN ROOSBROECK, G. L., Corneille's early friends and surroundings (Mod. 

Phil., xviii, 7, Nov.). 

VILLEY, P., Recherches sur la chronologic des oeuvres de Marot (Bull, du 

Bibliophile, 9, 10, Oct.). 
WRIGHT, C. H. C., French Classicism. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard Univ. Press; 

London, H. Milford. 2 dol. 50. 
ZWEIG, S., R. Rolland. Der Mann und sein Werk. Frankfort, Riitten und 

Loening. 27 M. 


ARON, A. W., Traces of Matriarchy in Germanic Hero-Lore (Univ. of Wisconsin 
Studies in Lang, and Lit., ix). Madison, Univ. of Wisconsin. 50 c. 

WIENER, L., Contributions towards a History of Arabico-Gothic Culture. 
Tacitus' Germania and other Forgeries. Philadelphia, Pa., Innes and 


Scandinavian . 

BERTELSEN, H., Danske Grammatikere fra Midten af det 17. til Midten af det 

18. Aarhundrede. iv. Copenhagen, Gyldendal. 6 kr. 
BETHGE, H., J. P. Jacobsen. Ein Versuch. Berlin, A. Juncker. 17 M. 
BLICHER, S. S., Samlede Skrifter. Udg. af J. Aakjaer og H. Ussing. iv-vi. 

Copenhagen, Gyldendal. Each 7 kr. 50. 
BOER, R. C., Oudnoorsch Handboek (Oudgermaansche Handboeken, ii). Haarlem, 

H. D. Tjeenk Willink. 

CEDERSCHIOLD, G., Svensk stilistik. Stockholm, P. A. Norstedt. 7 kr. 75. 
ENGERT, R., H. Ibsen als Verkunder des dritten Reichs. Leipzig, R. Voigtlander. 

30 M. 
EWALD, J., Samlede Skrifter. v. Copenhagen, Gyldendal. 6 kr. 25. 

FLOM, G. T., Semantic Notes on Characterizing Surnames in Old Norse 

(Journ. Eng. Germ. Phil., xix, 3). 
HERMANNSSON, H., Bibliography of the Eddas (Islandica, xiii). Ithaca, Cornell 

Univ. Libr. 1 dol. 
HEUSLER, A., Altislandisches Elernentarbuch (Germ. Bibl., ii. Abt. 3). 2. Aufl. 

Heidelberg, C. Winter. 21 M. 

New Publications 205 

Holberg Aarbog. Udg. af F. Bull og C. S. Petersen. Copenhagen, Gyldendal. 

15 kr. 50. 
J6NSSON, F., Den oldnorske og oldislandske Lifcteraturs Historic. 2. Udg. i, 2. 

Copenhagen, Gad. 18 kr. 
JONSSON, F., Islenskt malshattasafn. Gentf lit af hinu islenska freeSafjelagi i 

Kaupmannahb'fn. Copenhagen, Gad. 12 kr. 
LAGERLOF, S., Zachris Topelius. Utveckling och mognad. Stockholm, A. Bonnier. 

14 kr. 

LEVERTIN, 0., Samlade Skrifter. xm. Stockholm, A. Bonnier. 12 kr. 
NORDAHL-OLSEN, J., L. Holberg og den ber0mmelige handelsstad Bergen. Bergen, 

F. Beyer. 14 kr. 

OSSIANNILSSON, K. G., Samlade Dikter. i-iv. Stockholm, A. Bonnier. 32 kr. 
RUNEBERG, J. L., Samlade arbeten. Nationaluppl. i, n. Stockholm, A. Bonnier. 

46 kr. 

RYDBERG, V., Skrifter. n, ix. Stockholm, A. Bonnier. 10 and 13 kr. 50. 
TEGN^R, E., Ny kritisk upplaga, kronologiskt ordnad. Utg. av E. Wrangel och 

F. Book. iv. Stockholm, P. A. Norstedt. 13 kr. 


(a) General (incl. Linguistic). 

Essays and Studies by Members of the English Association, vi. Collected by 

A. C. Bradley. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 6s. Qd. 
FUNKE, O., Zur Wortgeschichte der franzosischen Elemente im Englischen 

(Engl. Stud., Iv, 1). 
LANGENFELT, G., Sematological Differences in the toponymical Word -group 

(Engl. Stud., Iv, 1). 
LINDKVIST, H., On the Origin and History of the English Pronoun ' she ' 

(Anglia, xlv, 1, Jan.). 
LUICK, K., Historische Grammatik der englischen Sprache. 3. und 4. Lief. 

Leipzig, C. H. Tauchnitz. Each 6 M. 

MATHESIUS, V., English Literature and the Czecho-Slovaks. London, Czech 

MAWER, A., The Place-Names of Northumberland and Durham. Cambridge, 

Univ. Press. 20s. 
NIELSON, W. A., and A. H. THORNDIKE, A History of English Literature. 

London, Macmillan. 14s. 
SARGEAUNT, J., The Pronunciation of English Words derived from the Latin 

(S. P. E. Tracts, No. 4). Oxford, Clarendon Press. 2s. Qd. 

(b) Old and Middle English. 

DUBISLAV, G., Studien zur mittelenglischen Syntax, in (Anglia, xlv, 1, 


IMELMANN, R., Forschungen zur altenglischen Poesie. Berlin, Weidmann. 30 M. 

Purity, a Middle English Poem. Ed. by R. J. Menner (Yale%tudies in English, 

Ixi). New Haven, Yale Univ. Press ; London, H. Milford. 8s. Qd. 

(c) Modern English. 

ALEXANDER, Sir W., The Poetical Works of. Ed. by L. E. Kastner and H. B. 

Charlton. i. Manchester, Univ. Press. 28s. 

BERDAN, J. M., Early Tudor Poetry, 1485-1547. London, Macmillan. 28s. 
BIRNBAUM, M., Oscar Wilde. Fragments and Memories. London, E. Mathews. 

7s. 6d. 

206 New Publications 

BROUGHTON, L. N., The Theocritean Element in the Works of Wordsworth. 
Halle, M. Niemeyer. 18 M. 

* BRUNNER, K., S. T. Coleridge als Vorlaufer der Christlich-Sozialen (Engl. 

Stud., Iv, 1). 

BURDETT, O., The Idea of Coventry Patmore. London, H. Milford. 7s. Gd. 

GARDEN, P. T., The Murder of Edwin Drood, being an attempted solution of the 

mystery. London, Palmer. 6s. 
CAZAMIAN, L., L'Evolution psychologique et la litterature en Angleterre, 1668- 

1914. Paris, Alcan. 9 fr. 
Charlemagne, the Distracted Emperor. Ed. by F. L. Schoell. Princeton, Univ. 

Press ; London, H. Milford. 12s. Qd. 
DE VERB, E., Poems. Ed. by J. T. Looney. London, C. Palmer. 7s. 

FALCONER, J. A., The Sources of 'A Tale of Two Cities 3 (Mod. Lang. Notes, 

xxxvi, 1, Jan.). 
FORSYTHE, R. S., A Plautine Source of 'The Merry Wives of Windsor' 

(Mod. Phil., xviii, 8, Dec.). 
GLICKSMAN, H., A Legal Aspect of Browning's ' The Ring and the Book ' 

(Mod. Lang. Notes, xxxv, 8, Dec.). 

GREENLAW, E., Spenser and Lucretius (Stud. Phil., xvii, 4, Oct.). 
GREG, W. W., The First Edition of Ben Jonson's ' Every Man out of his 

Humour ' (Library, i, 3, Dec.). 

GROSSMANN, R., Spanien und das elisabethanische Drama (Abhandl. der Ham- 
burger Univ., iv, B, 3). Hamburg, L. Friedrichsen. 15 M. 
HAVENS, G. R, The Abbe Le Blanc and English Literature (Mod. Phil, 

xviii, 8, Dec.). 
HENLEY, W. E., Essays : Fielding, Smollett, Hazlitt, Burns and Others (Works, 

ii). London, Macmillan. 12s. 

HOLTHAUSEN, F., Ashby-Studien, n, in (Anglia, xlv, 1, Jan.). 
Jahrbuch der deutschen Shakespeare- Gesellschaft. LVI. Berlin, Verein. wissen. 

Verl., 22 M. 

JONSON, B., Catiline his Conspiracy. Ed. by L. H. Harris (Yale Studies in 
English). New Haven, Yale Univ. Press ; London, H. Milford. 12s. 6d. 
I KEATS, J., Ed. by E. de Selincourt. London, Methuen. 12s. 60?. 

KIRK, R. R, A Sentence by Walter Pater (Journ. Engl. Germ. Phil, xix, 3). 
KNOWLTON, E. C., The Novelty of Wordsworth's ' Michael ' as a Pastoral 

(Publ. M. L. A. Amer., xxxv, 4, Dec.). 
LANDAU, L., Some Parallels to Shakespeare's 'Seven Ages' (Journ. Engl. 

Germ. Phil., xix, 3). 

LANDAUER, G., Shakespeare dargestellt in Vortragen. 2 Bde. Frankfort, Riitten 
und Loening. 60 M. 

LAW, E., Shakespeare's 'Tempest' as originally produced at Court. London, 
Chatto and Windus. Is. 6d. 

LAWRENCE, W. J., The Date of 'A Midsummer Night's Dream ' (Times Lit. 

Suppl., Dec. 9). 
LAWRENCE, W. W., The Wager in 'Cymbeline' (Publ. M. L. Amer., xxxv, 

4, Dec.). 
LILJEGREN, S. B., A Fresh Milton- Powell Document (Stud. Phil., xvii, 4, 


NICOLL, A., Dryden, Howard and Rochester (Times Lit. Suppl., Jan. 13). 
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THE discovery of Thomas Edwards and his two poems, after they had 
been engulfed together for centuries in the cold waters of oblivion, pro- 
vides us with one of the encouraging romances of Bibliography. Taken 
as a piece of printer's property, we knew from the Stationers' Registers, 
that on the 22nd day of October 1593 (six months after Richard Field 
entered for his copy Venus and Adonis) John Wolfe entered for his 
copy 'a Booke entituled Procris and Cephalus, deuided into 4 parts.' 
We hear nothing more of the book for two years, then two contem- 
porary references to it make us fancy it was not appreciated. In 1595, 
W. C. (Couell) in his Polimanteia complaining of the printers says ' then 
should not Zepheria, Cephalus and Procris (workes I dispraise not), like 
watermen pluck euery passinger by the sleeue.' Here comes a marginal 
note, 'But by the greedie Printers so made prostitute that they are 

In the following year Thomas Nash, in his pamphlet Have with you 
to Saffron Walden, or Gabriel Harvey's hunt is up, wishing to discredit 
Harvey, says that he was in the habit of pressing the work of inferior 
writers upon Wolfe, if they satisfied him ' in rayling against mee, and 
feed his humor of vaine-glorie.'...'So did he by that Philistine poem of 
Parthenophill and Parthenope which to compare worse than itselfe, 
it would plunge all the wits of France, Spaine, or Italy. And when he 
saw it would not sell, he called all the world asses a hundred times ouer, 
with the stampingest cursing and tearing he could vtter it, for that 
he having giu'n it his passe or good word, they obstinately contemned 
and misliked it. So did he by Chute's Shores Wife, and his Procris and 
Cephalus, and a number of Pamphlagoniari things more, that it would 
rust and yronspot paper to have but one sillable. . .breathed ouer it.' We 
must always discount Nash's language in his vituperative moods, yet it 
was over 270 years before we heard anything more about this book. 
Procris and Cephalus was merely entered in our catalogues as a work 
by Chute. In the year 1867, however, a fragment of the volume was 
found by Mr Edmunds in the Library of Sir C. E. Isham of Lamport 

M.L. R. xvi. 14 

210 Thomas Edwards, Author of ' Cephalus and Procris ' 

Hall 1 . It fortunately contained the title page ' Cephalus and Procris. 
Narcissus. Aurora musae arnica. London. Imprinted by John Wolfe, 
1595.' The name of the author Thomas Edwards comes at the end of 
the Dedication ; the first poem was not completed, and the second not 
begun. Mr W. C. Hazlitt had just time to hurry a notice of it as ' a dull 
poem/ into his edition of Warton's History of Poetry, and to add that 
' there was no perfect copy extant.' 

Eleven years later came a new surprise. The Rev. W. E. Buckley 
found a perfect copy in the Cathedral Library of Peterborough, and in 
1882 he reproduced this in a scholarly edition for the Roxburghe Society 
Reprints. Since the first outburst of enthusiasm on its appearance, 
there has been little consideration of the various puzzles associated with 
it, probably because the learned Editor did his work so thoroughly. 

He must have spent on it a large amount of time and trouble, love 
and learning. He brought together the preliminary information, at- 
tempted to find the poet in College Registers, clerical appointments 
and Latin poems, really found the pedigree and status of the patron, 
and completed his work by a voluminous set of notes, chiefly philo- 

Many years ago, I had put a great deal of work into the subject, 
but as a hitch occurred in one of my hypotheses, I was forced to lay it 
aside through the pressure of other literary work. When asked to give 
a lecture to the Elizabethan Society, it occurred to me that it would be 
worth while bringing the subject forward, as others, by this time, might 
have found some new points which, added to mine, might help to eluci- 
date the story of the author and his book. 

We now know that the clerk of the Stationers' Company made two 
slips, in reversing the order of the names of the first poem, and in 
describing the whole as in four parts, that is, really, the two poems, and 
two envoys, in four different measures of verse. It was near enough to 
distinguish Wolfe's entry. Both poems are examples of the poetical 
translations from Classical, Italian, Spanish or French originals that 
were so much in vogue in the sixteenth century. Both stories had been 
translated in Arthur Golding's Ovid 1565-7, Cephalus and Procris in the 
7th Book f. 91 V , Narcissus in the 3rd Book f. 35 V . The latter as a story 
seems to have been more popular in England. Chaucer tells it in the 
Romaunt of the Rose, 11. 1 455-1543 ; it appears in The Moralisation of the 
Fable of Ovid printed by Thomas Hacket 1560. A Latin poem of 
Narcissus was dedicated by John Clapham to the Earl of Southampton 

1 Now in the British Museum. 


in 1591. Warner in Albion's England renders the story (Book IX, 
chap. 46). 

The long interval which lay between the registration and publication 
of Edwards' book is remarkable. Perhaps therein lay some trick of the 
* greedie printers.' 

Edwards renders his first poem in decasyllabic rhyming couplets, 
the second in seven-lined stanzas. Neither poem can be described by 
Hazlitt's phrase as * dull/ the rendering in general is poetic. He does 
not follow the text of Ovid slavishly, he introduces effectively the story 
of Aurora's love-making to Cephalus, and Lamia's encouragement of 
Procris. His vision was wide and suggestive, his pace rapid, he has 
some striking passages, and many fine lines. Had he always written up 
to his own highest level he would have taken a very different place in 
literature to-day. The poetic strain in him was marred by some lack of 
culture or of taste. It may be that he wrote at long intervals of time 
during which his fervours cooled, or his critical powers failed. His 
rhythm is sometimes faulty, so is his rhyme, and too many of his words 
are archaic. He is less happy in the seven-lined stanza of Narcissus, 
more unequal, sometimes even clumsy. Yet it is to Narcissus and its 
Envoy that we look most eagerly, as it touches on contemporary poets, 
among them Shakespeare. 

Edwards dedicates his book 'to the Right Worshippfull Master Thomas 
Argall Esquire,' in words that almost suggest some of Shakespeare's 
Sonnet phrases : 

Nor will I straine it foorth, 

To tilt against the Sunne with seeming speeches, 
Suffizeth all are ready and awaite, 

With their hartes-soule, and Artes perswasiue mistresse, 
To tell the lonely honor, and the worth, 
Of your deseruing praise, Heroicke graces : 

What were it then for me to praise the light? 

When none, but one, commendes darke shady night. 

O with thy fauour, light a young beginner, 
From margining reproach, Satyricke gloses, 
And gentle Sir, at your best pleasing leysure, 
Shine on these cloudy lines, that want adorning, 

That I may walke, where neuer path was scene, * 

In shadie groues, twisting the inirtle greene. 

That would seem to mean that he should be included among the poets 
who were supposed to weave myrtle wreaths. 

While he says pretty things to an interested and possibly helpful 
patron, he more earnestly addresses himself in prose to that critical group 
formed by Sir Philip Sidney and his friends, and still continued by 

H 2 

212 Thomas Edwards, Author of l Cephalus and Procris' 

Spenser, Dyer, Gabriel Harvey, Fulke Greville and others (including 
the Queen), who held the fate of poets in their hand : 

To the Honorable Gentlemen, and true fauourites of Poetrie,.... 

In writing of these twoo imperfect Poemes, I haue ouergonne myselfe...but for that 
diners of my friendes have slak't that feare in me, and (as it were) heau'd me onwards 
to touch the lap of your accomplished vertues. I haue thus boldly... set to the view 
of your Heroicke censures.... 

Now is the sap of sweete science budding, and the true honor of Cynthia vnder 
our climate girt in a robe of bright tralucent lawne ; Deckt gloriously with bayes 
and vnder her fayre raigne, honoured with euerlasting renowne, fame and Maiesty... . 

O, what is Honor without the complements of Fame ? or the liuing spark es in 
any heroicke gentleman 1 not souzed by the adamantine Goate-bleeding impression of 
some Artist. 

Well could Homer paint on Vlysses shield, for that Vlysses fauour made Homer 

Thrise happy Amintas that bode his penne to steepe in the muses golden type 
of all bounty.... 

How many when they tosse their pens to eternize some of their fauourites... 
that either begin or end with the description of black and ougly night ?... 

Some there are (I know) that hold fortune at hazard, and trip it of in buskin till 
I feare me, they will have nothe but skin. 

I walke not in clouds nor can I shro'dly moralize on any...onely I am vrg'd as it 
were to paraphrase on their doinges with my penne, because I honour learning with 
my heart. And thus benigne gentlemen, as I began, so in duety I end, euer prest 1 to 
do you all seruice. THOMAS EDWARDS. 

Contrary to what one would have expected from the preliminaries, 
Edwards commences his first poem, not in praise of the dawn, but of: 

Faire and bright Cynthia, Tones great ornament 
Richly adorning nightes darke firmament, 

whose path he follows until he loses it in the sea, and the dawn is 
heralded. Then he prays Apollo to help him to paint Cephalus as he 
was wont to go early to the chase. In the legend of Aurora's wooing the 
hunter, after her failure he makes her suggest to the latter his testing 
Procris. When his poor wife roamed the woods wailing in her misery, 
an ' uncivil swain ' told her that Cephalus awaited Aurora by a certain 
thicket, for he had heard him call ' Aer, Aer, come and cool me.' Procris 
went to the thicket, thinking no* evil, but hoping she would have the 
chance of pleading with Cephalus. He, hearing the rustle among the 
bushes, thought it was some wild beast, flung his fatal dart, and did not 
miss his mark. There was hardly time for mutual explanations and 
embraces before she died, and he mourned her ever after. To this poem 
Edwards has added an Envoy in an irregular eight-lined stanza, which 
somewhat recapitulates the situations. 

The second poem Narcissus has a title page, motto and date of 
its own. Instead of the decasyllabic rhymes of Cephalus and Procris 
Edwards essays a seven-lined stanza, and without further preface, calls on 

1 Ever ready. 


You that are faire...You that are chaste.... 
You Delians that the Muses artes can moue.... 
You that in beauties honor do curuate, 
Come sing with me.... 
I tune no discord, neither on reproache. 

From the 5th stanza Edwards makes Narcissus tell his own story. He 
confesses how he scorned the crowd of adoring women who brought him 
gifts and jewels. He accepted the gifts, but would have none of the 
givers : 

I stood as nice as any she aliue. 

Then one of these foretells that he would suffer for his cruelty, in 
learning to love in vain, which carne true when he saw himself reflected 
in the fountain, fancied it was a nymph and felt he loved that face, and 
in vain : 

Yet such a liumor tilted in my brest... 

I proudly boasted that she was my choice. 

Edwards slightly introduces the wooing of Narcissus by Echo; but 
nothing would satisfy the youth except the maiden he thought he saw 
looking through the fountain. He tried to kiss her in vain, because the 
water became disturbed by his long hair when he came too near : 

And so continued treating, till with teares 

The spring run ore, yet she to kisse forbare. 
Looke on those faire eies, smile to shew affection, 
Tell how my beautie would inrich her fauour, 
Talke Sun-go-do wne, no rules tending to action, 
But she would scorne, and swear so God should saue her 
Her loue burnt like perfume quite without sauour : 

Yet if, (quoth she) or I but dreamt she spake it, 

'Tis but a kisse you craue, why stoupe and take it... 
It is the water and not she that wauers. 

Then the end came : 

Imbracing sighs, and telling tales to stones, 
Amidst the spring I leapt to ease my mones... 
Pardon my tale, for I am going hence, 

Cephisus now freez'd, whereat the sea-nymphs shout, 
And thus my candle flam'd, and here burnt out. 

With this startling and confusing anticlimax Edwards ends the poem 
which in Golding's version (following Ovid) ended : 

Then body was there none, but growing on the ground, 
A yellow flower with lilly leaues insted thereof they found. 

The Envoy to Narcissus in six-lined stanzas contains the writer's 
most halting poetry, and his appreciations of other contemporary poets. 
Before going further we want to know so far as possible who the author 
really was. His name was secured us by Mr Edmunds. Mr Buckley 
tries to find him among reverend clerics. The only thing I seem to 

214 Thomas Edwards, Author of ' Cephalus and Procris ' 

know about him is that he is none of these. I look for the author, not in 
convocation, but in court. We may try to find what manner of man he 
was from his poems. Not that the author trimmed them with fragments 
of biography, as many of his contemporaries did, but he shewed uncon- 
sciously at times some traces of his character and condition. 

1. It seems to me from his opening praise of the Queen among 
the ' favourites ' of Poetry, that he was well aware he might be taken to 
task verbally if he had forgotten to flatter her ; and there seems to have 
been some personal acquaintance between him and some of the members 
of the group of recognised critics. Nash's words support this idea, by 
his very abuse of the poem. 

2. He speaks modestly about his own work, with a modesty that 
seems real, and appreciates warmly the work of others. No hatred; 
malice, or uncharitableness, no winged shafts of satire through veiled 
words of his. 

3. While he seeks brotherhood among ordinary poets, he acknow- 
ledges with reverence as his master, Spenser, under the name of ' Collyn.' 
Edwards is never weary of singing his praises. Even in the midst of his 
story of Cephalus and Procris, he bursts out in praise of the prime poet 
in a long passage, concluding : 

to that quick sprite of thy smooth-cut quill, 

Without surmise of thinking any ill, 

I 1 offer vp in duetie and in zeale, 

This dull conceite of mine, and do appeale 

With reuerence to thy 2 

On will I put that breste-plate and there on, 

Riuet the standard boare in spite of such ; 

As thy bright name condigne or would but touch, 

Affection is the whole Parenthesis, 

That here I streake, which from our taske doth misse. 

Probably his devotion to Spenser tempted him into the super- 
abundant use of archaic and compound words, and words used in un- 
usual senses, as ' the teares of the muses haue been teared in Helicon ' 
alluding to Spenser's opening lines of The Tears of the Muses. 

4. He speaks of many classical characters but few Englishmen. The 
only one he mentions, not a poet, seems to be Francis Drake: 

As when the English Globe-Encompasser 
By fames purveying found another land. 

5. While he displays a desire to be like one of the brotherhood of 
poets, he takes some trouble to make quite clear his tastes, if not his pro- 

1 "He thinks it the duetie of everyone that sailes to strike maintop before that great and 
mighty poet COLLYN." 

2 As in Mr Buckley's reprint. 


fession. The clash of arms in the tournament rings through all his verse, 
his language is coloured with heraldic tinctures. His patron had 'heroic 
graces/ his critics give ' heroic censures.' He has a strange new metaphor 
for writing poetry. Though his master Spenser still used the academic 
phrase of ' piping ' and calls poets ' Shepherds/ while Edwards sometimes 
calls it ' singing,' sometimes ' sailing' he more often calls it ' tilting.' In 
the quotations given above this may be seen, and there are many more : 

Nor will I straine it foorth, 
To tilt against the Sunne with seeming speeches. 

Although he differs much from men, 
Tilting under Frieries. 

Not only in this but in other phrases, he uses language from the 
lists, ' You that in beauties honor do curuate.' To ' taint ' is used in 
the tournament sense, of to touch. He speaks of breastplates, standards, 
impresas. In the quaint phrase ' the living sparks in any heroic gentle- 
man not souzed by the adamantine Goate- bleeding impression of some 
Artist ' he reminds us that it was then supposed that soaking in goat's 
blood was the only means to make carving in adamant possible. All this 
gives ground for my belief, that he was associated in some way with Arms. 

6. The next point I wanted to find, was his proximate age. That is 
difficult. It is true that he speaks of himself to his patron as a * young 
beginner.' But that might have been a bit of fun, a specimen of his 
peculiar humour. A much more laboured attempt to prove the opposite 
may be found in his description of himself at the opening of his Envoy 

to Narcissus : 

Poets that diuinely dreampt, 

Telling wonders visedly, 

My slow Muse haue quite benempt, 

And my rude skonce haue aslackt, 
So I cannot cunningly 

Make an image to awake. 
Ne the frostie lims of age, 
Uncouth shape (mickle wonder) 
To tread with them in equipage, 

As quaint light- blearing eies, 
Come my pen broken vnder, 

Magick-spels such deuize. 

But for this acknowledgment of age, I should not have dared to 
put forward a hypothesis which received a rude shock many years ago. 
This would have required a Thomas Edwards born about 1540, who 
would have been at the date of publication of his poem about 53 years 
of age. Not such a great age, but poets then thought it poetic to magnify 
their age. I therefore paid attention to all of the name whom I found 
mentioned at court after that date. 

216 Thomas Edwards, Author of' Cephalus and Procris ' 

We all know of Richard Edwards, the collector, and chief contributor 
to the Paradise of Dainty Devices. He describes himself in one of these 
leaving with his father's blessing his home in Somersetshire (the county 
of Sir Edward Dyer) a 'slender tall young man' seeking Court service. 
He was the eldest of many brothers. His musical powers recommended 
him first to Mary, then to Elizabeth. His poems given as a New Year's 
gift to Mary (praise of her Maids of Honour) are described as by 
' Edwards of the Chapel.' He appears in one of the Court Lists as 
' Gentleman of the Privy Chamber 1 .' In this list he was associated with 
a ' Thomas Edwards ' in 1558. Richard was made Master of the Children 
of the Chapel Royal in 1561, and thereafter developed his dramatic 
talents. He so delighted the Queen with his performance of Palamon 
and Arcite at Oxford in September 1566, that she promised him a sub- 
stantial reward. She was not prompt enough, and the poet died in the 
following month. It is supposed he left no child. Nothing more is heard 
of his reward unless we look for it in a strange coincidence. In December 
of that year Thomas Edwards received a patent for the office of Vibrellator 
or Gunner in the Tower. This was not a very important or responsible 
office, but it was often granted as a sort of little pension to courtiers 
who required some money-help. A similar grant was later made to 
Richard Dyer. It is just possible the grant was given to Thomas as the 
brother of Richard Edwards, as a remembrance of the promised reward. 
It might be borne by any ' gentleman of the Privy Chamber.' 

Perhaps I may record here my first great disappointment in writing 
this paper. In the second year of Elizabeth I came upon a Thomas 
Edwards enrolled among the ' Extraordinary Yeomen of the Guard.' 
Here, I thought, was the very post for the author of this poem. I traced 
his name year after year, hopefully, but found that he died on 10th 
January 22nd Elizabeth. This is entered as ' By Certificate,' shewing 
he did not die at his post, but at some distance (Dec. Ace. Treas. Chamb. 
22 Eliz. Pipe Office 542). 

There is no record of the gentleman of the Privy Chamber living, 
and none of his dying. But the Vibrellator in the Tower did not die 
then, which may be proved by each successive patent naming the holder 
who preceded the patentee. 

In the Envoy to Narcissus Edwards speaks of a distinguished noble 

poet who ' differs much from men, Tilting under Frieries.' Mr Buckley 

believes this to mean the dramatic poets who wrote for the Blackfriars, 

but 1593 would be too late for the early Blackfriars, and too early for 

1 Lansdowne MS. m, ff. 88, 89. 


Burbage's which was only bought in 1596. I found among the British 
Museum MSS, 1 an entry rather more illuminating, as Edwards seems 
to speak only of non-dramatic poets. It is a list of 'The names of 
such Lords and Officers as are lodged within the Court and the Friery 
1573.' After describing those resident in Court, the MS. concludes: 'In 
the*Friery 2 are lodged the Lady Sydney, Mr Foskewe, the gentlemen 
Ushers, Sir Henry Lee, Mr Dier, with many more whose names I know 
not.' These two latter wrote verses, or ' tilted under Frieries ' then, and 
might well have done so for the following 20 years. Thomas Edwards 
might have been lodged beside them. There are two significant points 
to remember. Sir Henry Lee was the Master of the Armoury, and had 
instituted the annual jousts in memory of the Queen's accession. He 
resigned his post on 17th November 1590, on which occasion Mr Hales, 
one of the Queen's servants, sung in Sir Henry's name the verses ' My 
golden locks time hath to silver turned.' The other point is, that, 
desiring to fix if possible Richard Edwards' place of birth in Somerset- 
shire, I went through the Subsidy Rolls of that county, for 14-15 
Henry VIII, the year in which the dramatist is supposed to have been 
born ; I came upon John Edwards, senior, and John Edwards, junior, and ' 
immediately before them the name of Henry Dier, in the hundred of 
Carhampton, village of Allenford (169/168). 

The only one of the university men collected by the Rev. Mr Buckley 
who might have been the same as the Groom of the Chamber was the 
Thomas who took the degree of B.C.L. at Cambridge in 1562 (no college 
mentioned). Another and more likely one is Thomas Edwards of Mag- 
dalen College, Oxford, described in 1562 as residing with someone in 
the town. There was also a Thomas Edwards, christened on the 8th of 
October 1560, in the Church of St Vedast, Foster Lane, but I can find 
no further allusion to him. One more reference I have found which 
seems to touch the true author of Cephalus and Procris, who may have 
been any Thomas I have been tracing, except the Yeoman of the Guard. 

Among the Loseley papers is a bundle of private family letters. 
Queen Elizabeth highly favoured Sir William More of Loseley, and 
was very fond of his daughter Elizabeth, probably h^r godchild. She 
must have been about 40, when the Queen made her Lady-in- Wai ting. 
She writes delightedly to her father about the kindness she received 
from everybody. She was then Lady Woolley by her second marriage 
to Sir John Woolley. Her father fell ill, she wanted to go and nurse 
him, the Queen was very unwilling to let her go, but finally consented 

1 Lansdowne xvm, 37. 2 Probably at St James' Palace. 

218 Thomas Edwards, Author of ' Cephalus and Procris ' 

One of Lady Woolley's friends at Court wrote to tell her of the nice 
things the Queen had said about her after she left, and that friend 
signed himself 'Your most humble servant, Thomas Edwards. From 
the Court, March 1594.' So here was a man of the name at the very 
time Cephalus and Procris was coming out, living at Court, having 
access to the Queen and able to repeat her conversation. He seemed to 
me so likely to have been the author, that I looked no further. But 
I did look for other poems. There had appeared in 1570 an epitaph on 
the death of the Earl of Pembroke by Mr Edwards, which might have been 
by him. There are two MS. poems in the Bodleian, good enough either 
for Richard or Thomas Edwards ; the humour of them makes me almost 
think them by the latter. They purport to be written by a saucy page 
in a great house, subdued by a hopeless passion for his master's 

I. in 5 stanzas. 

If all the goddes would now agree 
to grauut the thing I would require 
madame I pray you what judge ye 
above all thinge I wold desire 
in faithe no kingdome wold I crave 
suche idle thoughte I never have.... 
but will you know what liketh me 
madam, I wish your ffoole to be 

II. in 7 stanzas. 

The muses nyne that cradle rockte 

wherein my noble mistresse laie 

and all the graces then they flokte 

soe joyfull of that happy daie.... 

No wonder then thoughe noble hartes 

of sondrie sortes her loue dothe seeke 

her will to wynne they play their partes 

happie is he whom she shall like 

to God yet is this my request 

hym to have her that loves her best. finis qd Edwards. 

Mr Buckley has printed these, but seems to have forgotten about 
Richard Edwards. Now that I have fitted a Thomas Edwards into his 
modest description of himself given above, we may go on to note his 
description of those contemporaries he thought most worthy of notice. 
Spenser is of course set first. Edwards treats each of his selected con- 
temporaries under the name of the subject of his chief poem : 

Collyn was a mighty swaine, 

In his power all do flourish, 
We are shepheards but in vaine, 

There is but one tooke the charge, 
By his toile we do nourish, 

And by him are inlarg'd. 


He vnlockt Albions glorie 

He 'twas told of Sidneys honor, 
Only he of our stories, 

Must be sung in greatest pride, 
In an Eglogue he hath wonne her, 

Fame and honor on his side. 

In language neither clear nor musical he tries to point out, that 
Spenser did not, as the other poets did, go abroad for his materials. He 
found his subjects in English history and legend. He was the national 
poet, preeminently in his Faerie Queene. He places Daniel second, a little 
awkwardly, through using a woman's name for a man. Perhaps he means 
a pun in the first two words : 

Deale we not with Rosamond, 

For the world our sawe will coate, 
Amintas and Leander's gone, 

Oh deere sonnes of stately kings, 
Blessed be your nimble throats, 

That so amorously could sing. 

Here Amintas means Watson, and Leander, Marlowe. Hero and 
Leander was the only one of the poems here mentioned which was 
quoted by Shakespeare : 

Dead Shepherd, now I find thy saw of might, 
'Who ever loved that loved not at first sight.' 

A s you Like it, in, 5. 

The next whom Edwards names is Shakespeare : 

Adon deafly masking thro, 

Stately troupes rich conceited, 
Shew'd he well deserued to, 

Loue's delight on him to gaze, 
And had not loue her selfe entreated, 

Other nymphs had sent him baies. 

Whether 'deafly' means 'deftly,' 'skilfully,' or 'without paying attention 
to ' there is no doubt the words are intended as a compliment, and seem 
to imply that Shakespeare was beautiful and charming to look at. 
The next two stanzas contain the puzzle of the Envoy : 

Eke in purple robes distaind, 

Amid the center of this clime, 
I haue heard say doth remaine, 

One whose power floweth far, 
That should haue been of our rime, 

The only object and the Star. ^ 

Well could his bewitching pen 

Done the Muses obiects to us, 
Although he differs much from men, 

Tilting under Frieries, 
Yet his golden art might woo us 

To haue honored him with baies. 

At the time of the publication of this reprint Dr Furnivall asked all 
the literary men of England 'who could be meant by this "center poet"?' 

220 Thomas Edwards, Author of ' Cephalus and Procris ' 

No two of the answers agreed. Among the suggestions were Thomas 
Sackville, Lord Buckhurst, the Earl of Essex, the Earl of Oxford, Sir 
Robert Dudley, Drayton, Bacon, Fulke Greville. There is something 
against each of these. The only man who seems to me possible, was 
Ferdinando Lord Strange, sixth Earl of Derby. The family title of 'Derby ' 
was near enough the centre of England for a poet's geography. Edwards 
did not know much about him, he might not know that he chiefly lived 
at Lathom House ; he had only ' heard say ' of his literary talents, and 
was fearful of offending him by giving him a name. His power flowed 
far, he was king of the Isle of Man, many of the Catholics looked to 
him as the true heir to the throne of England through his mother 
Margaret Clifford. Though many poets in England praised him, my 
authority for my opinion is Nash's effusive panegyric at the close of 
Piers Pennilesse, 1592, where he confesses that Lord Strange had given 
him liberal money-help as well as encouragement. He blames Spenser 
for not introducing him into the group of noblemen he praises at the 
end of the first three books of the Faerie Queene : 

Heere (heauenlie Spencer) I am most highlie to acuse thee.... The verie thought 
of his far deriued discent & extraordinarie parts, wherewith he astonieth the world, 
and drawes all harts to his loue should haue inspired thy forewearied Muse. 

The only excuse he could find for Spenser was that he might be in- 
tending some special honour for Ferdinando Stanley whom he called 
'thrice noble Amintas.' The poet put off too long to follow Nash's advice. 
Ferdinando had only succeeded his father on September 25th, 1593, he 
died in April 1594. In Spenser's list of poets in Colin Clout's come home 
again, 1595, he acknowledges: 

There also is, (ah no, he is not now) 
But since I said he is, he quite is gone, 
Amyntas quite is gone and lies full low, 

Hauing his Amaryllis left to mone 

Amyntas floure of shepheards pride forlorne : 
He whilest he lined was the noblest swaine, 
That euer piped in an oaten quill : 
Both did he other, which could pipe, maintaine, 
And eke could pipe himselfe with passing skill. 

This long digression seemed necessary here as no one else has brought 
forward Stanley as the nobleman * who differed much from men, Tilting 
under Frieries.' 

The next stanza is clear : 

He that gan vp to tilt, 

Babels fresh remembrance, 
Of the world's-wrack how 'twas spilt, 

And a world of stories made, 
In a catalogues semblance, 

Hath alike the Muses staide. 


This means Joshua Silvester, ' the silver-tongued ' and his translation 
of Du Bartas' Weeks and Workes, dedicated to Anthony Bacon 1593. 

It is a pity Edwards did not give us a longer list. He winds up 
with : 

What remaines peerless men 
That in Albions confines are, 
But eterniz'd with the Pen 

In sacred Poems and sweet Laies, 
Should be sent to nations farre 

The greatnes of faire Albion's praise. 

I believe that after one more stanza he meant to conclude. The 
last stanza but one is so discordant, that I fancy Wolfe must have written 
and inserted it himself. He did something, we have seen, to rouse the 
wrath of his two critics at least : 

And when all is done and past 

Narcissus in another sort 1 
And gaier clothes shall be plas't 

Eke perhaps in good plight, 
In mean while He make report 

Of your winnings that do write. 

There are certain special relations between Edwards and Shakespeare 
to notice. Both were pupils of Spenser in their different degrees. The 
great poet's first poem was registered on April 18th, 1593, Edwards' first 
poem six months later. We usually date the existence of Venus and 
A donis from its registration. If we apply the same treatment to Edwards' 
first poem, we find that he was the first to refer to Shakespeare as a 
non-dramatic poet. Shakespeare was more fortunate in his printer, and 
appeared in the same year. Edwards' poem somehow missed fire, and 
is reckoned as of 1595, though written before. He does not mention 
Shakespeare's Lucrece, 1594. He resembles Shakespeare in evidently 
having a little grudge against Chapman, whose Shadow of Night did 
not appear until that year. But it was probably handed round among 
readers before that date. Edwards evidently had studied Shakespeare 
closely. He makes Narcissus call upon Adonis to come and sit with him. 
In Aurora's love-making to Cephalus he follows that of Venus to 
Adonis effectively. Indeed it is notable both poets treated of the same 
theme, chaste youths besieged by passionate women. Shakespeare shews 
that Adonis had no time to think of Love, his heart being filled with 
the pleasures and the glories of the chase. Edwards paints in Cephalus 
the heart filled with his faithful love to his wedded wife ; in Narcissus, 
the coldness arising from self-love. 

1 Does this mean that Edwards meant to put it into dramatic form ? 

222 Thomas Edwards, Author of ' Cephalus and Procris ' 

Shakespeare also was impressed by the story of Narcissus. In Venus 
and Adonis (line 157) he says : 

Narcissus so himself forsook 
And died to kiss his shadow in the brook. 

He also says in Lucrece (1. 266) : 

And had Narcissus seen her as she stood 
Self-love had never drowned him in the flood. 

Again in Antony and Cleopatra, II, 5, he says : 

Hadst thou Narcissus in thy face, to me 
Thou wouldst appear most ugly. 

I think that his only allusion to Cephalus and Procris is in the 
clown's play of Pyramus and Thisbe, Midsummers Night's Dream : 

Not Shafalus to Procrus was so true. 
As Shafalus to Procrus I to you ! 

These allusions can hardly be taken as any reference to Edwards' 
work, but as remembrances of the popular tales. Edwards also speaks 
of ' Oberon.' But one point more. While Edwards was so generous to 
other poets, none seems to have returned the compliment and praised 
him. None, unless we find in his Master Spenser, whom he reverenced 
so highly, some kindly recognition in return. I have reason to think we 
can, and that words which I have all my life firmly believed to have 
referred to Shakespeare, were really intended for Edwards. When 
Spenser published his Colin Clout's come home again in 1595, he also 
had a descriptive catalogue of poets included in it. Among these, he 

And there, though last not least, is Action, 
A gentler shepheard may no where be found : 
Whose Muse, full of high thoughts invention, 
Doth like himselfe Heroically sound. 

Now, I think these lines suit Edwards better than Shakespeare. His 
poem coming out in 1595, would be 'last' before Spenser printed his. 
Shakespeare's had been published in 1593, and was not 'last' in any 
aspect. Edwards was very gentle, or, at least, quarrelled with none in 
print ; it was his Muse and not his name that was ' heroical,' his Muse 
' full of high thought's invention, Doth like himself heroically sound.' 
I have given suggestions of his language. I know nothing of his personal 
appearance. But Spenser did. Apparently it also was heroical, and 
'though last' he was 'not least.' Another panegyric of Spenser's suits 
Shakespeare better. 

The phrase ' Action ' haunted me. I felt sure there would be found 
some relation to the man, if I could but find the Welsh meaning for 


' eagle-born.' I appealed to Mr Leonard Wharton the polyglot scholar. 
He gave the clue I sought. The name of Snowdon in Welsh is Eryri, 
which means the Eagle Mountain, the name of the Carnarvon range is 
'The Eagle Hills.' Thomas Edwards bore a Welsh name, he might have 
been descended from the Welsh family of the name, even if his father 
had settled in Somerset. Or his father might have returned to Wales 
before his younger son's birth. I am quite willing to give up any theory 
to be able to find the truth. Elizabeth favoured Welshmen, and was 
pleased to be reminded of her Welsh descent, and my last Thomas 
Edwards evidently basked in her favour. One cannot help wondering if 
he had any literary association with Fluellen, and if this ' Eagle-born ' 
poet was a friend of Shakespeare's too. 



THE political and religious enthusiasm that reigned in the period of 
the Restoration is possibly unrivalled throughout the whole of our 
literary history. The writers were of the court or of the Parliament: 
tlley were Catholics or they were Puritans: and they were enabled, as 
/hey had not been previously, to express their thoughts with a certain 
[amount of freedom on the subjects that lay near their hearts. No/ 
[book produced in England between 166CL and 1Q98 ^?an be understood! 
without a reference, anL~ full j^ferftr^f , tif> ^ p course of political! 
events: tor ike religions p.nH pivil^>grr> pf t.he courts of Charles* 
flT^ftf' .la.rnps was the intellectual aftermath of the emotions aroused 
during thejgeriodj)f the Commonwealth, and still affected intimately 
the social and the intellectual lite Trf-tii^T nation. In several branches 

of literature this fact "Has" been noted, particularly in that of poetry, 
but for the drama it has been more or less overlooked. Neither 
historians nor literary critics seem to have realised the mass of material 
which lies ready to their hands in the tragedies and the comedies of the 
time. After eighteen years of repression the theatre had come to its 
own again, and with a renewed energy authors had started to think 
once more in the dialogue and scenical form. The theatrical writers 
threw in political and contemporary reference with a free hand : while 
other scribblers, who, in previous and succeeding ages, would probably 
have written in prose or in couplets, put forward their ideas and their 
satire in the form of plays which, even from their incipience, were 
probably neVe^Fintended to be acted. All sorts of subjects were so 
discussed, from the Worshipful Companies rfBrewers 1 . of Doctors 2 
and of Shoemakers; L to the Athenian Society 4 : but by rar the greatest 

1 Pluto Furens & Vinctus:' or, The Raging Devil Bound. A Modern Farse. Per 
Philocomicum. (Epistle Dedicatory signed C. F.') Amstelodami, 1669. 

2 Tom Brown: Physick lies a Bleeding: or, The Apothecary turned Doctor. A Comedy, 
Acted every Day in most Apothecaries Shops in London (1697). 

3 Hew son Reduced: or, The Shoemaker returned to his Trade. Being a Show, Wherein 
is represented the Honesty, Inoffensiveness, and Ingenuity of that Profession, when 'tis kept 
within its own Bounds, and goes not beyond the Last. Written by a true Friend to the 
gentle Craft (1661). This ' show ' is directly aimed at Hewson, the regicide. 

4 E. S(ettle?): The New Athenian Comedy, Containing the Politicks, Oeconomicks, 
Tacticks, Crypticks, Apocalypticks, Stypticks, Scepticks, Pntumaticks, Theologicks, Poeticks, 
Mathematicks , Sophisticks, Pragmaticks, Dogmaticks, etc., Of that most Learned Society 


Eterest is to be found in a number of plavs, dating variously from 1^9 
about 1695. which deal entirely with political and religious questions, 
d which, peculiarly enough, have remained, up till now, almost wholly 
unread and unchronicled 1 . 

The habit of writing pamphlets in fche form of jjlays was not novel to 
the age of the Restoration; there had been political plays in Elizabeth's 
time, and more than one appeared during the dictatorship of Cromwell, 
usually without the names of the. author and of the publisher 2 : but 
a real enthusiasm for political reference in dramatic form did not come 
until the downfall of the Commonwealth with the arrival of Monk and 
the subsequent return of Charles. It is this which, in this essay, I 
propose briefly to discuss and to analyse. Ere entering into this subject, 
however, one interesting fact may be noted, and that is, that while 
internal political and religious movements are reflected widely and 
largely in the theatre of the time, outside historical events, as distinct 
from the evolution of politics or of religion, are touched upon hardly at 
all. The reason for this is hard to seek, for public sentiment undoubtedly 
was aroused over such matters as the foreign policy of Charles as 
it related to France. Sufficient for us to notice, however, that, beyond 
Jk few references in Prologue and in Epilogue, and with the exception 
/of Dryden's horrible and cruel Amboyna: or, The Cruelties of the Dutch 
J (Theatre Royal Company at Lincoln's Inn Fields, 1673), no reflection of 
I historical events is to be found in the drama. Even such internal cata- 
strophes as the Fire and the Plague of 1665-6 passed almost unnoted. 
Peculiarly enough, practically the only influence exerted by historical 
events on the theatre, was that, at the time of the Dutch Wars, many 
of the Cavaliers were reft away, and the Cavaliers were the main 
supporters of the playhouses. Crowne, in his The History of Charles the 
Eighth of France: or, The Invasion of Naples by the French (Dorset 
Garden, 1671), laments that he is producing his play for a city audience, 

1 Some of these, but not all, are mentioned, but not collated and criticised, by Gerard 
Langbaine in An Account of the English Dramatic Poets (1691) and by the authors of 
Biographia Dramatica (1812), a few by Genest in Some Account of theflnglish Stage (1830) 
and a few by Sir A. W. Ward in his History of English Drama. 

2 Among these Tyrannical Government Anatomized: or, A Discourse concerning Evil 
Counsellors had appeared in J.642 : The Levelters-fievelFa : or, The Independents Conspiracy 
to root out Monarchy (by, ' Mercurius Pragmaticus,' i.e. Marchmont Nedham) in 1647: 
The Famous Tragedy of King Tllin.rl^l, New Market Fayrej or, A Parliamentary Outcry 
of State Commodities set to Sale. Part I. Printed at You Ala u 40 Look and New Market 
Fayre: or, Mrs Parliament's NeivJEigarjes. Part II. Written by the Man in the Moon in 
1649. The Tragical Actors : or, The Marty rdome of the Tiifn fuiii^ ("/imfi' wherein Oliver's 
late falsehood, with the rest of his gang are (sic) described in their several actions and 
stations (N.D.) may also be previous to 1660. 

M.L.R.XYT. 15 

226 Political Plays of the Restoration 

hopes he's safe, and if his Sense is low, 
He can compound for 't with a Dance and Show 1 , 

things likely to appeal to unsophisticated tradespeople. The following 
year, in Marriage A-la-Mode (Theatre Royal Company at Lincoln's Inn 
Fields, 1672), Dryden echoed the same cry 2 , and from his prologue we 
gather that the city folks were treating the King's company worse than 
the rival house. Even the actresses lost their loathing for mere mer- 
chants and one bright damsel extended to the city men a charming 
invitation in the Epilogue to Wycherley's The Gentleman Dancing- 
Master (Dorset Garden, 1672), 

. You good men o' th' Exchange, on whom alone 
We must depend, when Sparks to Sea are gone ; 
Into the Pit already you are come, 
Tis but a Step more to our Tyring room ; 
Where none of us but will be wondrous sweet 
Upon an able Love of Lumber-street 3 . 

This, however, is all that we have to show for a forty years' period 
Lof intrigue and of scheming foreign policy. 

^*~ The political plays of the Restoration fall naturally into several 
well-defined groups, in accordance with three great events in con- 
temporary political history, events which profoundly stirred public 
opinion. The first group to be discussed is that which was concerned 
chiefly with the fall of the Commonwealth and the Restoration of 
the Monarchy. It may be dated from c. 1660 to c. 1665J 

During this first period of political enthusiasm the one thing that 
the dramatists remembered was their erstwhile imprisonments and 
whippings: to avenge which they turned the_Jask-of their scorn on 
the Commonwealth and on all connected with it. The political plays 
of the period commence with Tatham's The Rump: or, The Mirrour 
of the Late Times (1659-60) 4 and with A Phanatick Phrgr~Tfie' First 
Part. As it was presented before and by the Lord Fleetwood, Sir Arthur 
Hasilrig, Sir Henry Vane, the Lord Lambert and others, last Night, with 
Master Jester and Master Pudding (1659-60) 5 . The latter is merely a 

1 Prologue. 

2 Prologue. Referring to the fact that ' our city friends ' would ' hardly come so far ' 

They can take up with Pleasures nearer Home. 
And see gay Shows and gawdy Scenes elsewhere ; 
For we presume they seldom come to hear. 

The Duke's company, it must be remembered, had just then moved to their new theatre 
in Dorset Garden, leaving the smaller house at Lincoln's Inn Fields to their rivals. 
3 I.e. Lombard-street. 

* This play was produced at Dorset Court. It was entered to J. and E. Bloome on 23rd 
August, 1660. Pepys bought a copy of it in November. 

6 This is dated in MS. as March, 1659 (i.e. 1659-60) in the Bodleian copy (Wood 615 
(23)) . There was no second part. 


six page pamphlet, but the former is a fairly well-wrought and readable 
play. In it Lady Lambert's ambition and folly are quite well portrayed, 
while some of the other characters are not ill drawn: In 1682 it 
furnished the basis of Mrs Behn's The Roundheads 1 . 

These two plays were speedily followed by others, of which Cromwell's 
Conspiracy. A Tragy-Comedy. Relating to our latter Times. Beginning 
at the Death of King Charles the First, And ending with the happy 
Restauration of King Charles the Second. Written by a Person of 
Quality appeared in 1660. This Person of Quality was evidently, a 
scholar, for his whole play is plentifully scattered with mythological 
references. Cromwell is made in it a thorough expert in the classics: 
witness the following: 

My fine facetious Devil, 

Who wearst the Livery of the Stygian God 

As the white Emblem of thy Innocence, 

Hast thou prepaid a pithy formal Speech 
Against the essence and the power of Kings? 
/That when tomorrow all my Myrmidons 
{Do meet on Onslow-heath, 
[Like the Greek Exorcist, Renowned Calchas... 
*By thy insinuating persuasive Art 

Their Hearts may move like Reeds... 2 ? 

Nor are his followers to be beaten. Peters cries to him, 

Most valiant and invincible Commander, 
Whose name's as terrible to the Royallists, 
As ere was Huniades to the Turks.... 
The Ancients fam'd Alcides for his Acts ; 
Thou hast not slain but tane the Kingly Lion, 
And like great Tamberlaine with his Bajazet, 
Can ? st render him within an Iron Cage, 
A spectacle of Mirth 3 . 

Even Lady Lambert is affected by the atmosphere around her. 
1 You are as valliant my dear Sir,' she assures Oliver, ' In those soft 
Scirmishes which Venus doth expect, as in those deeds of death which 
Mars approves as Heroick in his Tents 4 .' This play, written in five 
short acts, is very ambitious, for it traces the history of the Common- 
wealth from Cromwell's seizure of power to the arrival of Monk, who, it 
may be noted, in all Stuart drama of the age, is represented as a true 
and glorious Cavalier, not as the time-server he really was. The 
execution of Charles is introduced coram populo in Act II, scene iv: 
Cromwell's intrigues with Lady Lambert are wrought out in Act ill: 

1 Noticeable is the terrible Scots dialect of Lord Stoneware, a dialect that had already 
appeared in Jocky and Billy, the two Scots beggars in Tatham's The Scots Figgaries: or, 
A Knot of Knaves (1652) and in the Scots Mountebank of The Distracted State (1651, 
written 1641). 

a Act i, scene i. 3 Ib. 4 Act in. 


228 Political Plays of the Restoration 

in Act IV, scene i, is a high court of justice, followed in Act IV, scene v, 
by the execution of Sir Henry Slingsby. In Act v, scene i, Cromwell is 
discovered sick on his bed, Raving, his wife by him, and subsequently 
dies : while Monk, after a wordy proclamation, appears in person at the 
close (Act v, scene iii). 

Reverting to earlier affairs, The Heroick-Lover : or, The Infanta 
of Spain (1661) of George Cartwright, 'of Fullham Gent. 1 / presents 
a fictitious story which introduces a Polish king, who foolishly gives 
much power into the hands of a Cardinal who, in his turn, extorts 
money from the people. Zorates and Selucius plan a revolt and strive 
to get the Admiral to join them. He, however, treats their proposals 
with scorn: 

Your Doctrine is of Devils : I fear to name 
The words which you have utter'd, without shame. 
That I shoo'd help, for to correct the King, 
Were he the worst, of any living thing ! 
Or^were his Koyal soul, more black then Hell, 
Far be't in me, such wickedness shoo'd dwell... 
To us, who cannot judge of common things, 
Does not belong the judgement of great Kings. 
They shoo'd be like Stars, seated in the sky, 
Far from our reach, though seeming near our eye 2 . 

The Admiral probably is Hyde, the Cardinal evidently Laud, and 
Zorates and Selucius most likely shadow the historical figures of Pym 
and Hampden. The historical reference is largely intensified by the 
verses appended at the close: Upon Hells High-Commission Court, set 
to judge the King. Jan. 1648, and Upon the horrid and unheard of 
Muriher, of Charles the First... the 30/& of Janu., 1648. 

In the same year, 1661, appeared two other anti-Puritan productions, 
one, The Presbyterian Lash: or, Noctroff's Maid Whipt. A Tragy- 
Comedy. As it was lately Acted in the Great Roome at the Pye Tavern 
at Aldgate By Noctroffe the Priest, and Sever all of his parishoners at the 
eating of a chine of Beefe. The first Part. London. Printed for the use 
of Mr Noctroff's friends, and are to be sold at the Pye at Aldgate (1661), 
and the other, Hells Higher Court of Justice: or, The TAall of The 
Three Politick Ghosts, viz.: Oliver Cromwell, King of Sweden, and 
Cardinal Mazarine (1661). The first of these, which may be by 
Francis Kirkman 3 , is merely a satire in thirteen scenes on Zachary 
Crofton, introducing numerous not unamusing hits at Puritans in the 
bye-play. Among the dramatis personae occur 'Light, a Taylor' and 

1 Cf. title-page. 

2 Act n, scene iii. For similar sentiments see infra p. 241. 

3 The Dedication is signed K.F., cf. MS. note in Bodleian copy (Malone 202). 


'Forger, a Usurer,' 'two hot-headed Presbyters/ as well as 'Carp, a 
Brewer ' and ' Denwall, a Joyner/ ' Churchwardens and Cavaliers.' 
Hells Higher Court of Justice* is more ambitious. Besides the three 
' Politick Ghosts ' mentioned in the title-page there is introduced all the 
hierarchy of Hell, from Pluto, ' the Great Devil/ to Charon ' Ferry man 
of Hell ' and Pug ' a little Devil.' The chief and most interesting figure, 
however, is none of these but ' the Ghost of Machiavel,' repentant now 
for all the evil he has wrought. ' Miserable me ! ' he cries, 

How are men wise too late? too late consider? 
Alas ! I thought that then my glory which 
I now find my guilt 2 . 

Cromwell is but Machiavelli redivivus and the play ends on a familiar 
moral : 

May all ambition cease, cursed ambition 

The spawn of all imaginable sins, 

And let all high flown spirits still remember 

That whilst they Crowns and Septers strive to gain 

They purchase to themselves eternal pain. 

In 1663 and 1664 appeared other unacted plays of a political and 
religious cast. The Unfortunate Usurper (1663) is an anonymous 
production, confessedly political. ' Let Nevill,' says the Epilogue, 

Let Nevill, Lambert, Vane, and all that Crew 
To their usurping Power bid Adieu, 
Those Meteors must vanish, Charles our Sun, 
Having in England's Zodiack begun 

His Course 

True Monarchy's supported by our play. 

On the whole, however, it is dull, and the political parallel does not 
contain overmuch of interest. In the year following was issued a 
similar 'tragedy' entitled The Ungrateful Favourite. Written by a 
Person of Honour (1664) 3 , which centres mainly around the egotistical 
scheming of Terrae Filius, 'an unknown person fancied by the Prince 
for his rare parts and qualities, and by him advanced to highest 
Dignities.' The plot is complicated by the timorous restlessness of 
the old King, fearful of his son's popularity. About the same date, or a 
trifle earlier, was issued A New Play Call'd The Pragmatical Jesuit 
new-leverid. A Comedy (undated), written by Richard Carpenter, a 
clergyman converted from the Roman to the English Church, a play 
that leads us from the first group of anti-Puritan productions to the 
anti-Catholic productions of a decade later. Carpenter's play has no 
value whatsoever as a drama, and but little other interest attaches 

1 Not Hell's High Court of Justice as it has hitherto been quoted. 

2 Act i, scene i. 3 Licensed May 11, 1664. 

230 Political Plays of the Restoration 

to it. There is the obvious satire on priests, coupled with a few sly digs 
at alchemy and alchemists, Galen junior, 'a Physitian ' and Agrippa, 
'a Conjurer/ being introduced in person. 

Apart from these plays, several more or less pertinent political 
references occur in various acted dramas of the time, for even in 1663, 
Dryden's allusions in The Wild Gallant (Theatre Royal in Bridges 
Street, 1663) to 'the Rump Act 1 ,' and to 'the Rump time 2 ,' to the 
' decimated Cavalier 3 / and to the ' gude . Scotch Kivenant 4 ' were by no 
means out of date. The old members of the Sequestration Committee 
and the hypocritical Puritans formed a fitting butt for the liberated 
wits of the gay and reckless court poets of the time. It may be noted, 
however, that not all the drajnajisis-saw only one side of the question. 
Cowley, in Cutter ofColeman jtireet (Lincoln's Inn Fields, 1661) 5 , 
besides ridiculing the (Jommon wealth men and women, in Fear-the- 
Lord Barebottle and in Mistress Tabitha, saw fit to satirise the self- 
styled captains and colonels among tiie (Javaliers, introducing for this 
purpose the rascals Cutter and Worm. A similar pair, Bilkee and 
Titftrp-TlVi this time 'the one usurping the name of a major, the other 
of a captain/ appear in Wilson's The Cheats (Theatre Royal in Bridges 
Street, 1662), and may take their origin from Cowley 's 'Hectors/ In 
The Old Troop: or, Monsieur Raggou (Theatre Royal in Bridges Street, 
1665) of Lac&Jbhe Cavalier troopers are made plunderers and rayishers. 
the only excuse which the author makes for thembejjig^hat while they 
have their faults enormity exists in the other camp. These, however, 
are but stray expressions^' irTdividuai opinion and when Etheredge in 
The Comical Revenge: or, Love in a Tiib (Lincoln's Inn Fields, 1664) 
says of Sir Thomas-. Gully that he was 'one whom Oliver... has dis- 
honoured with Knighthood/ and presents in Sir Frederick and others 
of his Cavalier characters images of Restoration refinement, he was but 
voicing the prevalent feeling of his caste. In any case, Lacy and Wilson 
were by blood, if not by profession, allied to the side of the Parliament. 

By far the best satire of the whole period, however, 
mittee of Sir Robert Howard, "wnich madeits appearance at the 
Theatre 7 Royal in Vere Street iiTT562! In it the brother-in-law of 
Dry den lashed with his scofll Llie Sequestration Com mi Urn .under 
which so many Cavaliers had suffered. In^Mr and Mrs Day and Abel 
he delineated with a enr^ nnd witty pen the hyrj^ v ? Q y attributed to so 

1 Act i. 2 Act in, scene i. 

3 Act n, scene i. 4 Act iv. 

This play was a new version of The Guardian, acted 1641. Its scene is ' London, in 
the year 1658. ' 


many of the Puritan zealots: while in Colonels Blunt and Careless 
he displayed the happy-go-lucky honesty that the more idealistic 
followers of the Stuarts loved to fancy in themselves. The Committee 
was an instant success, and in the character of 'Teg' or Teague, 
Careless' Irish servant, Lacy, whom we have but now mentioned, won 
an apparently deserved fame. This play was the last purely political 
drama of the first period. Satire of Cromwell and of his satellites, 
though it crops up occasionally later, palled after 1665. The Puritan 
age, the continental exile, the Rump all were forgotten, and we cannot 
trace many references to these later than this date. Edward Howard 
seems to have been about the last to make a ' political parallel ' relating 
to the Commonwealth, when in The Usurper (Theatre Royal in Bridges 
Street, 1664) 1 he shadowed Cromwell under the disguise of Damocles, 
Hugh Peters under that of Hugo de Petra, and, possibly, Monk under 
that of Cleomenes 2 . 

The second group of political plays may be dated 16*79-1685. We 
have seen how in The Pragmatical Jesuit new-legend Carpenter had 
aimed a blow at the Church of Rome. This play is a sort of prelude 
to a fierce and wordy waj in the playhouses of London, for the 
struggle between Catholic and Protestant is the*^Eeynote to this 
period, as well in drama as in domestic history. Between the last 
anti-Puritan plays of 1664/5 and 1679, with a single exception, only 
one political play may be mentioned and that is the anonymous 
The Religious Rebell: or, The Pilgrim-Prince (1671). The scene is 
Germany of the eleventh century and presents to us Hildebrand 
(Gregory VII) as a self-seeking villain passing to the papal chair over a 
sea of murder and poison. The political dramatists of 1679-1685 did 
not for the most part go so far back in history: they took their 
characters from living friars and from prominent Whigs of their own 
time. If we seek for the source of their inspiration we shall find it 
in the stirring events which were being enacted in the reign of the first 
recalled Stuart. As has already been mentioned none of the dramatists 
was affected by the intricate foreign policy which was being woven 
during this period. Their attention centred on thre* problems which 
were closely associated one with another, all of which were questions of 
domestic policy. These concerned the Catholics, the Whig party and 
Shaffcesbury. Even a **Hgtd^ apq^'n^n^e the events connected 
with these suffices to showjthe abundant ^f nifjtfrial whi^h ^a-lying 

1 Pepys saw this play on January 2nd, 1663/4. 

2 Cf. Genest, Some Account of the English Stage, i, 72. 

232 Political Plays of the Restoration 

to hand for any dramatist on the search for subject matter of con- 
temporary interest. 

As far as the religious question goes, the plays may be divided into 
two groups those of the Court party, written mainly by Mrs Behn, 
D'Urfey, and Banks, and those of the Protestants, supplied for the 
most part by Settle, |hHw p 11i find Dryden. BifCeTness marks the utter- 
ance of both. The Protestants led off with The Excommunicated Prince: 
or, The False Pelique. A Tragedy. As it was Acted by His Holiness s 
Servants. Being the Popish Plot in a Play. By Captain William Bedloe 
(1679). This piece, which has been attributed to Thomas Walter, does 
not deal with the subject implied in the title-page indeed ' the Popish 
Plot in a Play' appears to have been added by an enterprising but 
unscrupulous publisher in order to excite interest and to augment his 
sales. The whole is written in rhyme, but rhyme of such a character 
that the author has to use as couplets within the first half-page such 
pairs as ' now ' and ' know,' ' know ' and ' too,' ' shun ' and ' alone/ ' sooth ' 
and ' smooth,' ' hand ' and ' commend,' ' crown ' and ' one.' It is but a 
poor piece of work, introducing Teimurazer a ' Prince of Georgia, 
excommunicated by the Pope'; Morinus and Brizander, 'Friends to the 
Prince, and Zealous for the establish't Keligion and Government,' and 
Piazer, 'a Divine of the Grecian Church: A fierce Preacher and Writer 
against the Papists, most unmercifully Murther'd by some of the Con- 
spirators.' The plot is uninteresting, with the religious bias truly felt. 

The year following appeared Settle's truly awful, but in a way 
effective, The Female Prelate: Being the History of the Life and Death of 
Pope Joan (Drury Lane, 1680) 1 . Dedicated to the Earl of Shaftesbury, 
it drew a storm of enthusiasm from the Whigs, who contributed to 
make it a success. The old discredited medieval legend is raked up by 
the author in all its fulness. The plot is simple, but affords many 
opportunities for anti-Catholic propaganda. Pope Joan, masquerading 
as a man, falls in love with the Duke of Saxony, whose wife, Angeline, 
is being tempted by the Pope's companion, Lorenzo. The married 
couple remaining faithful to one another, both are thrown into prison. 
There a fire, a favourite Restoration scenical device, occurs, and the 
Pope, who had come in the dark to the Duke, and Lorenzo, who had 
come to Angeline as her husband, are discovered. Angeline dies of 
shame and a broken heart, while the Duke is ordered to be burnt. At 
the critical juncture, however, Joan is publicly discovered and is hurried 
off to torture and death. With all his Ford-like skill in horrors, Settle 

1 Licensed Sept. 1680. 


works up the lusts and cruelty that lay behind so much of the outward- 
seeming piousness of the Roman, and particularly of the Jesuit, clergy. 

In 1681 the battle was joined in earnest, the anti-Catholics producing 
four plays and the anti- Whigs a couple. Of the former, The Spanish 
Fryar: or, The Double Discovery (Dorset Garden, 1681) is by Dryden. 
The satire in it is not very bitter, but the attack on priests was not 
passed over silently, although, peculiarly enough, Charles himself 
defended it against its detractors 1 . 

Condemned also by the Court party as a satire on the clergy was the 
Thyestes (Drury Lane, 1681) of Crowne, for even when the subject of a 
play went back to ancient Grecian times, contemporary references and 
parallels could be introduced. ' We shewed you,' says the Epilogue, 

.We shewed you in the Priests today, a true 
And perfect Picture of old Rome and new.... 

Thyestes, however, as a political and religious production, fades into 
insignificance when we come to consider the anonymous Homes Follies : 
or, The Amorous Fryars...As it was Lately Acted at a Person of 
Qualities House (1681) and of Shadwell's well-known The Lancashire 
Witches, and Tegue o Divelly The Irish Priest. Part the First (Dorset 
Garden, 1681). The former of these is wholly concerned with the evils 
of the Roman religion and deals with the amorous plots of priests 
and Italian ladies. In it the Pope appears in person, along with the 
ghosts of five of his predecessors. Poor Shadwell, on the other hand, 
because he had not sensibly confined his satire to the Catholics, 
but had applied his caustic brush to the character of Smerk, the 
sneaking Church of England clergyman, as well, fell into disfavour with 
both parties, and had a fair portion of his comedy eliminated by the 
censor. Apart from this, Shadwell's play is interesting for the witchcraft 
scenes and for the elaborate ' Notes upon the Magick ' appended to Acts 
I, II and ill 2 . The best individual characters are those of Teague and 

In the meantime had appeared Mrs Behn's The City Heiress: or, Sir 
Timothy Treat-all (Dorset Garden, 1682) more indecent than was that 
authoress' wont, and containing a very loyal attack ujfon all Common- 
weal thmen and ' true blue Protestants ' of the Sir Timothy Treat-all 
type. The plot itself is not a particularly brilliant or moral one, and 

1 Dryden had previously indicated his contempt for the priesthood, notably in his 
alteration of Troilus and Cressida, where Calchas, from being a ' priest ' is made a 
'rascally rogue Priest' who is good for nothing but keeping a mistress and living 

uxuriously on the fruits of his ' Coz'nage.' 

2 See E. Amman, Analysis of Thomas ShadwelVs Lancashire witches (Bern, 1905). 

234 Political Plays of the Restoration 

certainly, if Mrs Behn intended us to admire Tom Wilding as con- 
trasted with his uncle, she has not well succeeded. A man who seduces 
a girl who loves him, passes her off in marriage when he has finished 
with her to his best friend, and imposes a still older cast mistress of his 
own on his uncle, may have been in the taste of the Restoration he 
assuredly is not in ours. 

The other Court reply to the anti-Catholic slanders of Dryden and of 
Settle was D'Urfey's Sir Barnaby Whigg: or, No Wit like a Woman's 
(Dorset Garden, 1681). It is a purely party play in which Wilding, 
Townly and Livia are contrasted with Sir Barnaby, a 'Phanatical Rascal, 
one of Olivers Knights.' 

1682 saw a turn in the tide. The Court party were now in the 

ascendant. Dryden and Lee's The Duke of Guise (Drury Lane, 1682) 

Xvas written in their favour, but seems to have been looked on du- 

/biously by both parties. It certainly raised a tumult enough. Shadwell 

/ and others commenced to attack it, and to those attacks Dryden replied 

/ with The Vindication: or, The Parallel of the French Holy League and 

the English League and Covenant. As a play it is fairly good, although 

marred by the introduction of Melanax, a spirit, some devils, and 

Malicorne, a sorcerer. 

On the side of the Court, Mrs Behn again proved herself redoubtable, 
for in 1682 appeared her rehashing of The Rump as The Round Heads: 
or, The Good Old Cause (Dorset Garden, 1682) with many additions to 
hit at recent events. The Prologue and the Epilogue openly show the 
ultra-loyal, ultra-tory attitude adopted by this authoress, although the 
play as a whole is too much of an adaptation to be considered as an 
individual production. 

A new writer, however, now moved into the political arena in the 
person of John Banks, whose Vertue Betray d: or, Anna Bullen 
appeared at Dorset Garden in 1682. The Prologue and the Epilogue, 
it is true, are directed against political factions in plays, but the 
development of the plot reveals the strong royalism of the author. The 
play closes on a note of divine right : 

A Prince can do no 111!... 

For Heav'n ne're made a King, but made him just. 

One anonymous comedy also was put forward to aid the opponents 
of the Whigs, Mr Turbulent: or, The Melanchollicks (Dorset Garden, 
1682), a play reissued three years later as The Factious Citizen: or, 
The Melancholy Visioner (1685) 1 . Timothy Turbulent is 'one that 

1 This fact has so far been overlooked. The second play alone is chronicled in 
Biogrdphia Dramatica. 


hates all sorts of Government and Governours, and is always railing 
against the Times/ having as his creature one Rabsheka Sly, 'a private 
Sinner, and Railer against the Times.' Abednego Suck-Thumb is the 
' Melancholy Visioner ' and Priscilla, a Quaker. As may be realised, the 
whole piece deals in vivid, if somewhat coarse, satire of the Whigs. 

Crowne's The City Politiques (Drury Lane, 1683) 1 appeared in the 
following year. Practically wholly political, it yet weaves into the satiric 
web the story of Florio's love for Rosaura, Paulo Camillo's wife, and of 
Artall's for Lucinda, wife of Bartoline. General as the limning of Whig 
tendencies is, the play, linking itself with a group later to be discussed, 
springs from the impeachment of Shaftesbury, who is represented here 
as Camillo, the old Podesta. Other characters too have been identified : 
Bartoline, ' an old Counsellor ' who ' is very old, and very rich, and yet 
follows the Term, as if he were to begin the World,' has been con- 
jectured to be Sergeant Maynard or Aaron Smith, Dr Panchy to be 
Titus Gates, and the Bricklayer to be Stephen Colledge, ' the Protestant 
joiner,' who was brought to trial in 1682. 

The whole controversy of this the second period of political dramatic 
production ends with the year 1685, when appeared The Rampant 
Alderman: or, News from the Exchange 2 , and Dryden's much more 
ambitious opera entitled Albion and Albanins (Dorset Garden, 1685). 
The first deals with an old Whig alderman, friend to * Doctor Oats ' who 
' squeaks Sedition to him in the Coffee-House ' and to Doctor Olyfist, a 
man who is outwitted in love and finance by the gay young Wilding and 
the witty Cornelia. It was never acted. Dryden's play is not only more 
interesting intrinsically but had a more exciting history. Written with 
a heavy political bias for the Court (Dryden had by this time swung 
round from his anti-Catholic opinions) it designed to trace in allegorical 
wise the reign of Charles from the Restoration to the date of production. 
It was so put on rehearsal: but, unfortunately for the laureate, Charles 
died before its public performance, and Dryden was compelled to alter it 
so as to introduce the character of Albanius, i.e. James. It was staged 
at the Theatre Royal, probably on the 3rd of June, but ill-luck dogged 
its footsteps. On the sixth night of production, June 13th, news of 
Monmouth's landing came to London and the ill-fated thing was laid to 

1 The date has long remained in doubt. A. W. Ward placed it as 1673: Biographia 
Dramatica as 1675, Maidment and Logan as 1688. Genest's supposition of 1683 is in all 
likelihood correct. The play appears in The Term Catalogues for May of that year (cf . The 
Term Catalogues, ed. Arber, n, 17). 

2 The Rampant Alderman was entered in the Stationers' Eegister on August 30th, 1684, 
and is catalogued in The Term Catalogues in November of the same year ( The Term Cata- 
logues, ed. Arber, n, 99). 

236 Political Plays of the Restoration 

an untimely rest 1 . The company, which had been to great expense about 
scenery, lost, we are told, a considerable amount of money over it. 

Allegorical as the whole is, it is comparatively easy to distinguish 
the various figures. Albion is quite plainly Charles, and Albanius has 
already been identified as James, while Archon is quite as evidently 
Monk. The places too are given symbolical names: Augusta is London, 
we are told in the list of persons: Thamesis is self-explanatory: Democracy 
is the Republican Party: Zelota is 'Feign'd Zeal': Acacia, Innocence: 
arid Asebia, ' Atheism, or Ungodliness.' It was certainly to be regretted 
for Dry den's sake that so ingenious a plan after such a mighty coat- 
turning, should have been unsuccessful. 

Along with the general satire of the Whigs, as we have seen, went a 
very particular satire of the leader of the Whigs, the Earl of Shaftesbury. 
Already in 1674 Payne, in The Siege of Constantinople (Dorset Garden, 
1674), seems to have been aiming at him in his character of the Chan- 
cellor, and shows his opinion of him when he leaves him at the end 
( Empal'd. Real, definite abuse,. however, did not start till Dryden pro- 
l duced his Mr Limberham: or. The Kind Keepnr .at Dorset Garden in 
\1678. In it he seems to have aimed at the prominent Whig leader 
Y the title character 2 ., r % 

For the sake of art, one political reference in the restoration drama 
is to be deeply regretted, and that is the introduction of Antonio 
(Shaftesbury again) into Otway's Venice Preserved: or, A Plot Dis- 
oover'd (Dorset Garden, 1682). Antonio is an old weak sensual senator 
(the counterpart of Mr Limberham) who loves Aquilina, the mistress o 
Pierre, and who is duly put to shame by the latter. In the same year 
Shaftesbury was honoured by being placed in two other fairly well-known 
plays, Southern's The Loyal Brother: or, The Persian Prince (Drury 
Lane, 1682), and D'Urfey's The Royalist (Dorset Garden, 1682). Both 
are bitterly anti-Whig in tendency. The first, which is a tragedy, 
introduces Shaftesbury as Ismail and the Duke of York as Tachmas. 
The latter is represented as the noble brother and loyal general, in the 
end granted by his sovereign, Seliman, the head of Semanthe. As a 
whole it is not a bad production, although in places one is inclined 
to agree with the Epilogue: 

Though Nonsense is a nauseous heavy Mass, 
The Vehicle call'd Faction makes it pass. 

The Royalist is a comedy, and seems to have been well received, although 

1 Downes, Roscius Anglicanus, or, an Historical Review of the English Stage... (1708), 
p. 55. 

2 Cf . Ward, op. cit. in, 373. The satire was also applied to Lauderdale. 


there is a hint to the contrary in the Preface 1 . Its scene is London 
of Commonwealth times, in which members of the Sequestration 
Committee make still another appearance. Again, for the ideals of 
the time, Sir Oliver Old-Cut and Sir Charles Kinglove may be 
contrasted. Grasping and weak-willed as the former is, he is not so 
brutal or so heartless as the latter, who, although he has sworn the 
most fervent vows to Phillida and has apparently meant them, sins with 
the old man's wife, Camilla. In the dramas of the Restoration, the 
Cavaliers assuredly were condemned out of their own mouths. 

Just as from 1667-9 there had come a reaction in political senti- 
ment, at least in so far as political sentiment was expressed in tragedy, 
comedy or farce, so from the death of Charles to the advent of the 
Revolution there is a serious gap a gap, however, that led to an even 
greater output than before. 

The main body of theatrical pieces with a political bias centre, 
naturally, around the defeat of James and the coming of William. It 
follows inevitably that the questions which had been prominent in the 
earlier period should still be the source of inspiration for dramatic 
writers, since the policy of James was throughout his reign closely 
bound up with the Catholic cause, while William was by the very 
nature of events in active relationship with the Whig party. 

Our old friend Crowne/ whom we last saw attacking the party of 
Shaftesbury, opened the battle by producing in 1689 The English Frier: 
or, The Town Sparks (Drury Lane, 1689), a severe satire on the Catholic 
party. Its dedication to the Earl of Devonshire displays its political 
tendency. In Lord Wiseman, Crowne presents his ideal of the strong 
sane Englishman, Protestant and opposed to all the ' knavish tricks ' of 
courtiers and priests. In Lord Stanley he shows the evils of temporising. 
Lord Stanley is a Protestant, but, seeking advancement from the court, 
he keeps in with Father Finical, a rascally Jesuit, ' Bishop in partibus 
infidelium ' a satirical portrait possibly aimed at John Leyburn, whom 
Innocent had, at the advice of James, sent to England as Bishop of 
Adrumetum. The most excellent scene of the whole comedy is that in 
Act v, scene iii, where, with very perverse logic, this Father argues with 
Pansy regarding the question of sin. Crowne, it may be remarked, may 
have owed a trifle for his principal character to the Tartuffe of Moliere 2 : 
while he, in turn, gave Gibber the basis of his later famous or infamous 
N on- juror (Drury Lane, 1717). 

1 Cf. Genest, Some Account of the English Stage (1830), i, 355. 

2 Tartuffe had been translated by Medbourne in 1670. 

238 Political Plays oftJie Restoration 

Crowne's attack was followed up in 1690 by Shad well in The 
Amorous Bigotte: with the Second Part of Tegue Divelly (Drury Lane, 
1690), in which he mingles satire of the Catholic priest with a story of 
Spanish intrigue. Teague, like his brothers in faith, Father Dominick 
and Father Finical, ends by being exposed before the audience in all his 
rottenness. The Folly of Priestcraft (1690), an anonymous and unacted 
comedy, appeared likewise in the same year, but beyond its general 
attack upon the Church, deserves little attention. 

Cruel, and largely unfair, satire of priests appears also in The Siege 
and Surrender of Mons. A Tragi-Gomedy. Exposing the Villainy of the 
Priests, and the Intrigues of the French (1691) 1 , which was answered the 
same year by The Bragadocio: or, The Bawd turnd Puritan. A New 
Comedy. By a Person of Quality (1691), in which is introduced the 
character of Sir Popular Jealous, 'A Seditious Magistrate that Patronises 
the People only to" serve his own ends of 'em/ the direct descendant of 
Sir Barnaby Whig and Mr Turbulent. 

The years 1690 to 1693, however, are richest by far in direct 

theatrical reference to the stirring months of James's flight and Irish 

defeat. The Banished Duke: or, The Tragedy of Infortunatus was 

played in 1690 at Drury Lane.^It is a kind of political allegory, very 

ninly disguised, aimed directly at the Catholics and the Stuart Court. 

Romanus, King of Albion' is clearly James; 'Infortunatus, Nephew 

o King Romanus, Banish'd for pretending Right to the Crown ' is 

is evidently Monmouth. ' Petrus Impostor, a Jesuit, Father Confessor 

o Queen Papissa' reveals Father Peters, while Papissa herself, 'a 

Rigid Catholick, and Queen to King Romanus,' is Mary of evil fame. 

Manlius Clericus, Chaplain in Ordinary to King Romanus,' in all 

probability represents that Henry Compton, Bishop of London, who 

was excluded from the Privy Council in 1686. The whole of this play is 

written in rhyme, and the effect of all the elements of the older heroic 

tragedy, when applied to . living, if allegorised, persons, is somewhat 

ludicrous. Queen Papissa is just the old sensual, imperious empress 

of evil who had appeared in Dryden and Settle twenty years previously. 

' What plots of Wit/ she cries, 

What Plots of Wit, and Stratagems of War, 
In Brains quite void of Sence, do you prepare? 
I am great Albion's stately head, and can 
Out-wit the Projects of an Ancient Man. 
Without your Aid I quickly will pull down 
All Hereticks before my Royal Crown. 

1 Licensed on April 23rd, 1691, and entered in The Term Catalogues for November, 
1691 ^ed. Arber, n, 381). 


My Subjects I will to Subjection bring ; 

I'm their whole Queen, and will be half their King. 

I'll wear Royal Breeches, and I'll make 

(Throweth by her Gotvn, and sheiveth a Pair 

of Scarlet Breeches.} 

All Protestants to tremble and to quake. 
And if Romanus you offended be, 
I'll snatch the Sword and rule the Monarchy. 
The Roman Church in Albion I'll advance, 
I'll have but one Religion as in France : 
I'll tame my stubborn Subjects till they know 
The naming fury of a Popish Foe 1 .' 

Following this, appeared four or five plays which it is just possible 
were written by one man. The first of these is The Abdicated Prince: 
or, The Adventures of Four Years. As it was lately Acted at the Court of 
Alba Regalis By several Persons of Great Quality (1690). In this play 
James appears under the less complimentary title of Cullydada, which 
is a compound of Cully and Dadda. D'Adda, as we shall see, was papal 
nuncio, and Cully, as defined in John Kersey's Dictionarium Anglo- 
Brittanicum (1708), is ' Milk-Sop, one that may be easily led by the 
Nose, or put upon.' ' Philodemus, Duke of Monumora' is Monmouth; 
Hauteselia is Mary; Pietro is Father Peters. Barbarossa is probably 
George Jeffries and Count Dadamore is quite plainly Ferdinand D'Adda, 
who had come with the above-mentioned John Leyburn as acting, if 
not titular, papal nuncio. This play, it may be remarked, is among the 
few Restoration political dramas chronicled and described by Sir A. W. 
Ward 2 . 

By the same author confessedly was penned The Bloody Duke: or, 
The Adventures for a Crown. As it was Acted at the Court of Alba 
Regalis, By several Persons of Great Quality (1690), in which James 
masquerades as ' Androgynes, King of Hungary.' Monmouth is Caligula, 
his brother, while Remarquo, who is the only character common to both 
plays, may be Halifax. It introduces, like the former, a vast amount of 
Court gossip, but is not so intrinsically interesting. 

From the style and printing 3 one would be inclined to attribute The 
Late Revolution: or, The Happy Change. As it was Acted throughout the 
English Dominions in the Year 1688. Written by a Person of Quality 
(1690), to the author of both the above pieces. Like trfem it is described 
as a tragi-comedy: and one may note that it as well as The Abdicated 
Prince is mentioned at the end of The Bloody Duke as one of the trio of 

1 Act i, scene ii. 2 Op. cit. in, 294 s . 

3 All employed black letter frequently as well as italics. The Abdicated Prince, The 
Bloody Duke and The Late Revolution were all entered together in The Term Catalogues, 
May 1690 (ed. Arber, n, 313). 

240 Political Plays of the Restoration 

dramas giving ' a full Account of the private Intrigues of the Two last 
Reigns.' The characters of The Late Revolution are simpler than those of 
the two preceding plays. Among the men, Father Peters, who appears 
in person, alone has historical significance. Among his companions are 
' 2 Popish Lords/ and ' Two Noble Lords, true Protestants, and good 
Englishmen! The entire female caste consists of ' Popish Ladys, Celiers, 
the Popish Midwife ' and ' Several Popish Whores/ Its plot deals 
mainly with the coming of the Prince of Orange as reflected in Catholic 
circles, and there is presented in Act v, scene vii, an interesting scene 
wherein Hot-Head, ' an Old Cavaleer,' and Friend Testimony, ' a Parlia- 
ment-Officer,' meet to swear friendship symbolical of the decay of the 
old Cromwellian disputes, and of the formation of new parties. The 
Prologue is also interesting as it is addressed to the players and attacks 
them for their Stuart sentiments, with special reference to the then 
recent production of Dryden's Don Sebastian, King of Portugal (Drury 
Lane, 1690): 

Which abdicated Laureat brings 
In praise of Abdicated Kings. 

In The Royal Voyage: or, The Irish Expedition. Acted in the Years 
1689 and 90 (1690), likewise a tragi-comedy, the old black letter is 
replaced by ordinary capitals, but again similarity of style and construc- 
tion connects it with the author of The Abdicated Prince. 'The End of 
this Play/ says the Preface to the Reader, 'is chiefly to expose the 
Perfidious, Base, Cowardly, Bloody Nature of the Irish, both in this and 
all past Ages/ As might be expected, it is a very brutal and ugly play, 
ridiculous were it not that in its time it might have been believed. 

The Royal Flight: or, The Conquest of Ireland (1690), on the other 
hand, is ' A New Farce ' introducing King James and the Irish leaders 
in person. The best scene is that of Act I, scene iv, wherein is introduced 
' Hall the Jesuit, and a Rabble of Priests, one carrying the Host and 
another Tinkling a Little Bell before 'em.' 

1st Priest: Mater Apostolorum, ora pro nobis (singing}. 

2nd Priest: (whispering to his companion) S'life joy make a great haste for by 
ray Shoule, joy, I have promis'd a Dear Joy to meet her by Twelve of the Clock. 

1st Priest : By my Shoule, I'm in thy Condition Audi preces Nostras pro Domino 
Nostro Jacobo-bo . 

Towards the close of this theatrical pamphleteering came, in 1693, 
The Royal Cuckold: or, Great Bastard: Giving an Account of the Birth 
and Pedigree of Lewis Le Grand, the First French King of that name and 
Race. As it is Acted by his. Imperial Majesty's Servants at the Amphi- 
theater in Vienna, translated out of the German Language, by Paid 


Ver germs. This, taken from a contemporary Secret History of Lewis the 
Fourteenth 1 and written mostly in prose, carries us back again to the 
events of 1688. ' Clodius Capo, the King of France' is James once 
more : ' Orlinus Brother to Capo, and Apparent Heir to the Crown 
is Monmouth, and ' Pedro Marcellus, Father Confessor to the Queen ' is 
Father Peters. It is taken up almost entirely with the amorous and 
political intrigues of the Queen and with the birth of a bastard Prince 
of Wales. The additional information given on the title-page regarding 
its source and origin is, needless to say, spurious. 

On the advent of William several of the dramatists were sufficiently 
temporising to fall in with the spirit of the times and court the new 
monarch fulsomely. Others, however, like their predecessors of the past 
two or three decades could not forget their ultra-monarchical sentiments 
so soon, and still craved for the full expression of the doctrine of divine 
right. Just as Crowne had cried in 1671: 

Make him know it is a safer thing 

To blaspheme Heav'n, then to depose a King, 


Titles of Kings are mysteries too high 
Above the reach of ev'ry vulgar eye 2 , 

just as in 1674 Settle had declared that 

he that's absolute, and depends on none, 
Is above Terrour : and that Right alone 
Belongs to Kings. The life of Majesty, 
But one unalterable Scene should be, 
Unmov'd by storms, a walk of State, untrod 
By all but Kings, and boundless as a God 3 , 

p just as in 1675 Lee thought that 

Kings, though they err, should never be arraign'd 4 , 

so Mountford, in 1688, showed how concerned he was over the tendencies 
of the times. In his The Injured Lovers: or, The Ambitious Father 
(Drury Lane, 1688) Antelina, having been deflowered by the King, 
poisons him, whereupon her lover grows duly anxious : 

Rheus: The Action troubles me, although I cannot live 

To see the Event : I wish thy sufferings may quit 
Thy Crimes, for Heaven has great regard tf Princes. 
Antelina: And has it none for injured Subjects think you? 
Rheus: Not when they offer to Revenge themselves 5 . 

1 See Gildon's edition of Langbaine, p. 167. 

2 The History of Charles the Eighth of France, or, The Invasion of Naples by the 
French (Dorset Garden, 1671), Act i, scene i. 

3 The Conquest of China, By the Tartars (Drury Lane, 1674), Act n. 

4 Sophonisba: or, Hannibal's Overthrow (Drury Lane, 1675), Act in. 

5 Act v. 

M.L.R. XVI. 16 

242 Political Plays of the Restoration 

A similar episode occurs in The Conquest of Spain (Haymarket, 1705) 
by Mrs Pix, where Juliano, told by his fiancee, Jacinta, that she has 
been ravished by the King, cries out: 

Saidst thou the King? Then all revenge is lost, 
And we must bear our heavy load of shame : 
Tamely as cowards I must bear this wrong : 
Nor once attempt to wash thy Stains in Blood 1 

reminiscences of Restoration Court enthusiasm in the reign of Anne. 

The tendency, however, aided by the sentimentalism so rapidly 
gaining way in the last decade of the seventeenth century and in the 
first of the eighteenth, was to support the limited monarchy of William. 
The union of the two sentiments is well seen in D'Urfey's comedy 
of Love for Money: or, The Boarding School (Drury Lane, 1691), which, 
one of the precursors of sentimentalism, is violently Williamite in 
politics. Crowne, likewise, continued to remain what he had become in 
1^89 an anti-Catholic and anti- Jacobite. In the Dedication of his 
Caligula (Drury Lane, 1698) to the Earl of Rumney, he eulogises in no 
mean terms the Revolution. This tendency in the age was no doubt 
intensified as William settled down to government, and particularly 
after the abortive Assassination Plot of 1696, which latter event is seen 
reflected in Dennis's comedy of A Plot and no Plot (Drury Lane, 1697), 
which is directed openly against the Jacobites. In no copy of it, 
however, which I have consulted, is there printed either of the sub- 
titles mentioned by Sir A. W. Ward, 'Or Jacobite Credulity 2 / or 
4 Jacobite Cruelty 3 .' 

Many of the unacted plays mentioned here are worthless as 

specimens of literature; many even of those actually produced in the 

playhouses are unworthy of regard. Yet the theatre, more than any 

other form of artistic expression, is the reflection of an age: and no less" 

/ than the Comedy of Manners or the Heroic Tragedy, do these political 

/ plays, of which I have endeavoured to give a very brief account, present 

to us in little the feelings that were aroused in the nation by the bitter 

\ struggle between Catholics and Protestants, between Whigs and Tories, 

Ybetween King and Parliament, for religious arid political supremacy. 


1 Act in. 2 Ward, op. cit. in, 426. 

3 Ward, op. cit. in, 295, n. 6. 


SINCE 1894 Francis Jeffrey has been twice edited in selections in 
England and once in America, and in the same period he has been 
anatomized by a Harvard professor and by a Berlin seeker for the 'Doktor- 
wiirde.' By different ways all of the operators have ended in agreement 
with Professor Saintsbury that Jeffrey is underestimated, or, as one 
puts it, that modern neglect of him ' will never do.' Satisfied with that 
compliment, they have forsaken Jeffrey's relation to the larger move- 
ment of nineteenth-century literature to explain the peculiar nature, 
and limitations, of his judicial outlook on books. This is damning a 
critic with faint praise, and it promises to bring Jeffrey into neglect 
much more profound than that in which he has rested since Coleridge 
attacked him in the Biographia, and Carlyle dismissed him in the 
Reminiscences with the twice-incised stigma of being ' not a deep man.' 
The new criticism of Jeffrey and the old meet in the quotation by 
several recent editors of Lamb's thrust at 'the Caledonian intellect' 
which wrote about literature in the same way that it 'addressed twelve 
men on a jury.' Lamb showed the way to twentieth-century students 
in that happy fling at the Edinburgh reviews, thrown off in a smiling 
digression, and nothing really material has been said since. The emphasis 
is just where Lamb put it. 

Jeffrey was the Platonist of nineteenth-century criticism, and that 
is all his claim to a present hearing. It is no part of my purpose to 
prove a Platonic 'influence' on Jeffrey, although that might not be 
impossible. The Dialogues, and especially the Republic, were a large 
part of the wide, desultory reading which brought him to a final 
resolution of his doubts in the long struggle with himself in Edinburgh 
between 1793 and the establishment of the Review ten years later 1 . In 
later life Plato was the ancient writer most often named in his letter* 
Carlyle tells us that mysticism was a word with which Jeffrey had no 
patience, and it was surely with that shibboleth that he condemned 
Wordsworth, but he recognized a kind of mysticism in the Platonic 

1 In a letter to Kobert Morehead, November 26, 1796, he speaks of himself as reading 
at random ' letters from Scandinavia, a collection of curious observations upon Africa, 
Asia, and America, a book of old travel and an absurd French romance, Plato's Republic, 
and I don't know what besides.' 


244 The Humanism of Francis Jeffrey 

dialogues of which he always spoke with ardour. In a letter written in 
1841 1 he mentions 'a paper about enthusiasm' by his friend Stephens, 
and adds, ' I cannot find anyone to like it except myself. But it certainly 
suits my idiosyncrasy (what do you think that is now ?) singularly ; and 
I am sure it is more like Plato, both in its lofty mysticism, and its sweet 
and elegant style, than anything of modern date.' All through his life 
the Platonic 'sweetness and elegance' of style was a delight and torment 
to Jeffrey. In the early letters from Oxford to his sister, preserved in 
Lord Cockburn's Life, letters full of boyish confidences about ambitions 
and disappointments, he talks of a determination to bring English prose 
back to a standard of delicacy and force which it had once almost reached, 
though not quite, in Addison's hands. Later he was to realize that 
Addison's ' flatness ' fell far short of his ideal and to discover that no 
eighteenth-century man, and indeed no writer of prose in any period of 
English literature, altogether satisfied him. The untranslatable things 
in the Platonic Dialogues seem to have bewitched Jeffrey, though he 
was not a person subject to enchantments, and to have made him a very 
acute critic of prose, capable of vast enthusiasm over some specimens of 
it, but never quite able to forget that 

...he on honey-dew had fed, 
And drunk the milk of Paradise. 

Many have done lip-service to Plato's style, and English poetry, and 
even English criticism, have had several practitioners who have called 
themselves Platonists, but Jeffrey stands alone as the one man who 
accepted the final deliverance against poets in the Republic in just the 
way that it was intended to be understood. He never said anything 
about it, and he may not have been aware that he was a disciple, but 
his influence and originality as a critic were both due to his loyal faith 
to Plato's creed. ' What shall we do,' Plato asked, ' with a poet able by 
his genius, as he chooses, to become all things, or all persons, in turn, 
and able to transform us too into all things and persons in turn, as we 
choose, with a fluidity, a versatility of humour almost equal to his own?' 
And Jeffrey had no difficulty in answering with Plato that we, ' if he 
came to our city with his works, his poems, wishing to make an ex- 
hibition of them, should certainly do him reverence as an object sacred, 
wonderful, delightful, but should not let him stay. We should tell him 
that there neither is, nor may be, any one like that among us, and so 
send him on his way to some other city, having anointed his head with 
myrrh and crowned him with a garland of wool, as something in himself 

1 To Mrs Charles Innes, March 25, 1841. 


half divine, and for ourselves we should make use of some more austere 
and less pleasing sort of poet, for his practical uses 1 .' Platonism of this 
kind is a liberal creed, although it has had a reputation for bigotry in 
England ever since Gosson invoked it amiss and called down Sidney's 
classic answer to its Puritan misapplication. From Sidney to Jeffrey 
it remained in abeyance. Perhaps without realizing the resemblance of 
his own general point of view to that of the Republic, or the extent to 
which the logical and ethical outlook of the Dialogues had influenced 
him, Jeffrey assumed Plato's position, and in that was his originality as 
a critic. The force of that originality is only beginning to be appraised. 
It condemned Jeffrey to be a lover of minor writers, and to acrimonious 
warfare with some of the great ones. Unfortunately, he never learned 
to dismiss the great poets out of his commonwealth with their heads 
anointed with myrrh and crowned with a garland of wool. 

To be wise, and eke to love, 
Is hardly given to gods above. 

Jeffrey chose to be wise, and was seldom more than dimly aware that 
the poets whom he exiled from his modern Lacedaemon in the England 
of the Industrial Revolution were ' something half divine.' 

Herr Keisner's dissertation 2 , already mentioned, devotes its space to 
a brilliant analysis of the sources of neo-classic and romantic thought 
woven into the Edinburgh criticism, and he is especially complete and 
suggestive in his pursuit of the origins of some of Jeffrey's ideas in the 
eighteenth century. The result of his study is to reveal more strikingly 
than ever the range and freedom of Jeffrey's eclecticism. The intro- 
ductions to the selections from his essays by Professor Nichol Smith 
and Lewis E. Gates 3 point out the nice balance between his obligations 
to eighteenth and to nineteenth century thought, and in large outline 
they indicate the scope of his debt, which began with Addison and 
ended with Alison, while it could make room for Hazlitt, and in spite 
of a rather provincial cast, borrowed heavily from Mme De Stael and 
may even be suspected of having once or twice extended to A. W. 
Schlegel. Coleridge was the first to deny bluntly that any principle lay 
behind that eclecticism, and most writers since have folfbwed Carlyle in 
the opinion that Jeffrey's thinking lacked a pole. To the men of his own 
generation he always remained a superior literary hack, and his letters 
prove that even to himself he rose above that rank only very rarely. 

1 Pater's paraphrase, Plato and Platonism, p. 249. 2 Berlin, 1908. 

3 Selections from the Essays of Francis Jeffrey, by Lewis E. Gates. Ginn & Co., Boston, 
Massachusetts, 1894. 

246 The Humanism of Francis Jeffrey 

Carlyle's account of him in the all-night conversations at Craigcrook 
when he used to discuss so many subjects easily, fully, shrewdly, but 
never * earnestly, though sometimes there was a look in his eyes as if 
he would have been earnest,' has left an impression of him as a clever 
man, and 'a veracious little gentleman,' but no thinker. And so his 
reviews are usually thought of as a cento of neo-classical conservatism 
and contemporary confusion in matters of taste, but uninformed by any 
kind of coherent principle, or strongly original purpose. The truth is 
just the reverse of that impression, as Jeffrey himself would have been 
prompt to admit. Really a very simple principle inspired his criticism, 
and for want of a better name, it might as well be called Platonism ; 
Platonism with the peculiar twist that Jeffrey gave to it. 

Summing up his opinions of his work in the preface to the collected 
Edinburgh essays in 1850, Jeffrey wrote briefly in defence of his own 
originality, and made his regular claim to a place among English critics. 
The sentences are formal and repellent ; there is none of the intimate, 
spontaneous glow about them which sometimes glimmers for a moment 
in the best passages in the essays, and often amounts to real charm in 
his letters. But perhaps no less weight should be attached to them for 
all their coldness. The essential part of them is this : 

If I might be permitted farther to state, in what particular department, and 
generally, on account of what, I should wish to claim a share of those merits (i.e. of 
the honours of a contributor to the development of criticism), I should certainly 
say, that it was by having constantly endeavoured to combine Ethical precepts 
with Literary Criticism, and earnestly sought to impress my readers with a sense, 
both of the close connection between sound intellectual attainments and the higher 
elements of Duty and Enjoyment ; and of the just and ultimate subordination of 
the former to the latter. The praise in short to which I aspire, and to merit which 
I am conscious that my efforts were most constantly directed, is, that I have, more 
uniformly and earnestly than any preceding critic, made the Moral tendencies of 
the works under consideration a leading subject of discussion. 

The quotation might be paralleled by citing several passages from 
the Essays themselves 1 , but it is hardly necessary, for the sentences 
quoted are the best key to the varied problem of Jeffrey's mind ; to its 
bold eclecticism, a quality in which it is of real, if distant, kin to Plato's, 
to its limited sympathy with contemporary writers, and to the insight 
from which the permanent value of its work arises. The weaknesses of 
his criticism are all those incident to a too narrowly, and, if the truth 
be told, somewhat conventionally and sentimentally, limited ethical 
standard. I do not wish to deal with details of Jeffrey's criticism in 
this paper, much less to burn my fingers in the controversy over the 
' war with the Lakers,' but I should like to suggest that Jeffrey has 
1 Edinburgh Review, xxxiv, 349, vm, 465 and xvi, 215. 


paid a rather heavy penalty for betting on the wrong horse in that 
business, and that while he did not do justice to. one side of Words- 
worth's genius, he laid the foundation for some of the most discriminating 
criticism of his poetry that has since been produced. In the midst of it 
all Jeffrey was probably less an anti-Wordsworthian than he seemed. In 
1804 he could write of him to Homer : 

...I am almost as great an admirer as Sharpe. The only difference is that I have 
a sort of consciousness that admirers are ridiculous, and therefore I laugh at almost 
everything that I admire, or at least let other people laugh at it without contra- 
diction. You must be in earnest when you approve, and have yet to learn that 
everything has a respectable and a deridable aspect 1 . 

The modern reader can follow Jeffrey's dogged persecution of Words- 
worth with considerable satisfaction, even when he finds it appearing 
a little disingenuously under colour of praise of Byron or Crabbe. It is 
all honest, clear-eyed criticism; and it all springs from a conviction that 
Wordsworth was confounding life's plainest distinctions in the mystical 
mist with which he had surrounded himself for years in the solitude of 
the Cumberland hills. In a moment, I hope to give some reason for 
suspecting that whatever rancour there may have been in Jeffrey's 
attack may be at least partly explicable by an even bitterer conflict 
going on within himself. A student of Jeffrey who hopes to raise his 
standing among English critics knows that he has more serious flaws 
in his work to explain than the mistake about the ' Lakers.' They all 
go back at last to that essentially ethical outlook on literature, and 
the worst of them are to be traced to the sentimental cast which that 
outlook happened to take in him. 

There is no mistake in the Republic about the cost of its point of 
view. If truth is not beauty, nor beauty truth, and you choose truth, 
you cannot avoid the consequence that some beauty must be sacrificed, 
and it is likely to prove to be the very purest sort of beauty that you 
must give up, the sort, that is, which is produced by art whose chief 
interest is in its own perfection. Jeffrey was never quite clear about 
this point. Admitting a difference between the most edifying and the 
most beautiful art, Jeffrey was always on the side of the former, but 
he was not always willing to acknowledge a difference tn theory which 
in practice he often pushed almost to the point of exaggeration. After 
more than twenty years of reviewing, he would blandly deny any such 
difference in language like this : 

Poetry's power of delighting is founded chiefly on its moral energies, and the 
highest interest it excites has always rested on the representation of noble senti- 

1 Letter to Francis Homer, September 3, 1804. 

248 The Humanism of Francis Jeffrey 

ments and amiable affections, or in deterring pictures of the agonies arising from 
ungoverned passions 1 . 

From which it followed as the day the night that Rogers and Campbell 

were the first poets of their time. The trouble with Jeffrey was that 

he never thought strenuously through the problem of the conflict 

between the ethical requirements of the lives of the people for whom 

he wrote and the purpose of the artist struggling to make that union 

of imagery and truth which Doctor Johnson said constitutes poetry. 

The conflict is one of the differences between the insight of poetry 

and the dimness of the ethical level of every day, where conventions, 

sophistries, and sentimentality are the only guides that even the best 

of us can often find. Jeffrey was well launched on the course to a 

workable solution of the difficulty in the first clause of the sentence 

quoted, ' Poetry's power of delighting is founded chiefly on its moral 

energies/ but that was an accident. He meant what he said much more 

when he came to talk of the 'amiable affections' and 'deterring pictures.' 

He can even talk about Aristotle's Tragic Katharsis in terms of ' deter- 

ring pictures,' and see an example of it in Gertrude of Wyoming. 

But it is not for his opinion of Rogers and Campbell that we re- 
member Jeffrey, and in spite of it we are not able to forget him. We 
remember him for the solid qualities in the ethical standard that he 
applied to criticism, and for the independence and originality with which 
he worked it out. It was built around a very distinct and positive ideal 
of character. Reflections of it flash in the essays. Beginning his analysis 
of Benjamin Franklin's character, he writes : 

No individual, perhaps, ever possessed a juster understanding ; or was so seldom 
obstructed in the use of it, by indolence, enthusiasm, or authority 2 . 

No one has accused Jeffrey himself of indolence, or enthusiasm, in the 
reproachful sense in which he thought of enthusiasm, and so far as 
established ideas and conventions, and even consistency with himself, 
were concerned, no one can charge him with having let his thinking be 
obstructed by authority. In middle life he remarked in a letter that 
he supposed that there was not a man of his age and condition in 
Scotland with so few fixed opinions, and he thanked Heaven for it. 
No traditional explanation of Jeffrey is possible. He looked for a guide 
to conduct outside 6f conventional canons, and found it in c a capacity 
of patient and persevering thought displaying itself, for the most part, 
in a sober and robust understanding, and a reasonable, principled, and 
inflexible morality 3 .' He asked for nothing except to see life steadily 

1 Edinburgh Review, xxxiv, 349. 2 lUd., i, 138. 

3 Selections from the Essays of Francis Jeffrey, by Lewis E. Gates, p. 180. 


and see it whole, and he was willing to live and contrived to be happy 
in its monotony. He interrupts one of the letters from which, when 
they were to intimates, the smile seldom disappears, to say : 

Having long set my standard of human felicity at a very moderate pitch, and 
persuaded myself that men are considerably lower than the angels, I am not much 
given to discontent, and am sufficiently sensible that many things that appear to 
be and are irksome and vexatious are necessary to help life along 1 . 

That was the outlook on life which won Jeffrey so many friends, and it 
was the standard applied to books which made him so many enemies in 
the romantic generation. It was the quality which, in the beginning of 
their acquaintance, drew Carlyle to him, and at last turned the balance 
against him, where it clearly rests in the chapter that bears his name 
in the Reminiscences. Jeffrey's fine, smiling realism and the dry light 
of his mind Carlyle could not away with, so he called the critic, not too 
inaptly, the Scotch Voltaire, and left him to carry the weight of that 
condemnation as best he could. 

Jeffrey's ethical position contrasted with that of almost every im- 
portant writer of his time in being an uncompromising dualism. The 
problem was one of self-limitation, discipline of the imagination, and 
subjection of the individual will to the conditions of life in society 
and sympathetic participation in the affairs of all sorts and conditions 
of men. He reached this position only after a long struggle. From 
about 1793 until not long before the Edinburgh was founded, he was 
swept away by the tendency to self-absorption and isolation in in- 
tellectual pursuits which marked the period. We find him writing to 
his sister from Oxford in 1791 that he has ' a boundless ambition ' but 
feels that 'he can never be a great man, unless it be as a poet 2 '; telling 
his friend Robert Morehead about his poetical ambitions in 1795, when 
they had taken the form of ' a translation of Apollonius Argos in Cooper's 
manner 3 '; and writing to George Bell late in 1796, in praise of the 
ivory tower: 

Nothing can be more ridiculous than the way that men live together in society, 
and the patience with which they submit to the needless and perpetual restraint 
that they occasion one another ; and the worst of it is that it spoils them for any- 
thing better and makes a gregarious animal of a rational being 4 . 

A month later Jeffrey had begun to move toward the position which 
he held through life and from which he did his most characteristic 
critical work. On the day after Christmas, 1796, he wrote to Morehead 
of 'beginning to weary of (himself), and to take up a contemptible 

1 To Charles Wilkes, May 9, 1818. 2 Oct. 25, 1791. 

s Dec. 22, 1795. * Oct. 7, 1796. 

250 The Humanism of Francis Jeffrey 

notion of solitary employments.' The change amounted to a conversion, 
though it had none of the suddenness of miracles, and it seems to have 
been remarkably unpleasant for a process which turned a melancholy 
young man into one of the most equably contented and large-hearted 
persons who ever lived. In 1798 he writes to Morehead : 

I shall never arrive at any eminence in this new character ; and have glimpses 
and retrospective snatches of my former self, so frequent and so lively, that I shall 
never be wholly estranged from it, nor more than half the thing I seem to be 
driving at. Within these few days I have been more perfectly restored to my 
poesies and my sentimentalities than I had been for many months before. I walk 
out every day alone, and as I wander by the sunny sea, or over the green and 
solitary rocks of Arthur's Seat, I feel as if I had escaped from scenes of im- 
pertinence, and recollect, with some degree of enthusiasm, the wild walks and eager 
conversations we used to take together at Herbertshire about four years ago. I am 
still capable of going back to those feelings, and would seek my happiness, I think, 
in their indulgence, if my circumstances would let me. As it is, I shall go on 
sophisticating and perverting myself until I am absolutely good for nothing 1 . 

By this time the undercurrent had set steadily toward the position that 
Jeffrey held throughout all of the period when he was editor of the 
Edinburgh. Acceptance of the facts of life and self-discipline to enjoy 
and control them had become his aesthetic creed when, in 1811, he 
reviewed Alison's Essay on the Principles of Taste. ' If beauty consist 
in reflections of our affections and sympathies,' he wrote then, ' it is 
plain that he will always see the most beauty whose affections are the 
warmest and the most exercised whose imagination is the most powerful, 
and who has most accustomed himself to attend to the objects by which 
he is surrounded.... It will follow pretty exactly too, that all men's per- 
ceptions of beauty will be nearly in proportion to the degree of social 
sympathy and sensibility' that they possess. Jeffrey clung to that view, 
regretfully sometimes, as he did in the Essay on Burns 2 , where he gave 
up his whole introduction to speculating on ' The partiality which has 
led poetry to choose almost all of her prime favorites among the recluse 
and uninstructed,' but, in the main, consistently. If it misled him about 
the minor poets whom he overestimated, it set him right about the 
essential qualities in Crabbe's work and gave his three reviews of that 
writer an authentic place in the history of the realistic movement in 
the nineteenth century which began with Crabbe and is still being 
continued by Mr Arnold Bennett. It was the basis of his .criticism of 
Wordsworth, the criticism which has done most to fix his own standing 
as a critic, and by which, perhaps, he must ultimately be judged : 

Long habits of seclusion and an excessive ambition of originality can alone 
account for the disproportion which exists between this author's taste and his 

1 To Kobert Morehead, Aug. 6, 1798. 2 Edinburgh Review, Jan. 1809. 


genius; or for the devotion with which he has sacrificed so many precious gifts 
at the shrine of those idols which he has set up for himself among his lakes and 
mountains. Solitary musings amidst such scenes might, no doubt, be expected to 
nurse up the mind to the majesty of poetical conception (though it is remarkable 
that all the greater poets lived, or had lived, in the full current of society). But the 
collision of equal minds, the admonition of prevailing conceptions, seems necessary 
to reduce its redundancies and repress the extravagance or puerility, into which the 
self-indulgence or self-admiration of genius is apt to be betrayed 1 . 



1 Edinburgh Eeview, Nov. 1814. 



As to the vocabulary relating to English life in general, a few notes 
will be sufficient. M. Bonnaffe has pudding (from 1698), pie (from 1698), 
rosbif (rot-de-bif from 1698, rosbif from 17 56), plum-pudding (from 1756). 
The following points may be noted : 

(1) pudding is in Miege (1687) : * II faudroit etre cuisinier pour de- 
crire toutes les sortes de boudin qui se font en Angleterre. Car on y 
appelle pudding, non seulement ces boudins qui se font dans des boyaux 
de cochon, mais aussi de certaines farces a 1'angloise, qu'on fait de 
plusieurs manieres, dont les unes se cuisent au pot et les autres au four. 
Celles-la s'appellent generalement boiled puddings et celles-ci baked 
(ou pan) puddings... Au reste, c'est un plat d' Angleterre, a quoi les 
etrangers s'accoutument facilement.' 

(2) rosbif is earlier than 1756 ; Jacques Rosbif is the name of an 
English merchant in De Boissy's play, Le Francois d Londres (1727). 

(3) plum-pudding, explained in Miege (1687) as 'boudin ou il y a 
des raisins sees/ occurs in 1745 in L'Abbe Le Blanc's Lettres d'un Francois, 
ii, p. 33 : ' Si sur la table du candidat, il n'y a pas de plum-pudding, ou 
si, y en ayant, il n'en mange pas, autre preuve qu'il est whig.' 

The Refugees were impressed by the London squares. The Academy 
admitted square in 1835 and M. Bonnaffe' has found it from 1778; it 
occurs in 1774 in Grosley's Londres, 2nd ed., i, p. 72 : 'Les Anglois les 
appellent squarres,' and may be in the first edition of 1770. In any case, 
one should not omit to say that before that the expressions carre, place 
carrde are used in reference to the London squares, witness the following 
texts : 

1687. Miege : * La ville de Londres est embellie de plusieurs belles places carrees.' 
1725. Beat de Muralt, Lettres, etc., e"d. 1726, i, p. 178: ' Souvenez-vous, comme 

d'une chose remarquable, que Londres a plusieurs places qu'on appelle carres ou 1'on 

peut se promener et ou peu de gens se promenent.' 

Such words as Strand, quoted from 1698 (cf. also Broadway), should not 
be included; from the seventeenth century not only Strand, but also 


Cheapside, Whitehall and others are of course common. On the other 
hand, I should be inclined to include : 

(1) penny-post. 1687. Miege: ' Peny-post. C'est une des grandes commodites de la 
ville de Londres, de Pinvention d'un Mr Dockerey, marchand de cette ville... Celui 
qui envoie la lettre paie le sou. Mais ce qui est encore extremement commode, c'est 
qu'on a e"teudu le peny-post jusqu'a dix inilles autour de Londres. En ce cas, celui 
qui reoit lettre ou paquet hors de la ville paie un sou de son cote. 3 

1774. Grosley, Londres, i, p. 61, n. ': 'Si 1'etablissement du penni-port k Londres 
date de ce siecle, Paris auroit, & cet egard, 1'honneur de 1'invention.' 

1845. Bescherelle, Diet. Nat., art. penny : * On appelle, a' Londres, penny-post, 
notre petite poste ; cependant depuis la reduction des lettres dans tout le royaume, 
le nom peut s'appliquer au service interieur de la poste aux lettres en general.' 

1846. Bastiat, (Euvres Completes, ed. 1881, i, p. 135. 'Nous n'avons ni railways 
ni penny-postage... 3 

(2) rickets. 1687. Miege : ' Rickets. C'est une sorte de maladie qui est assez rare 
en France, et tres commune en Angleterre parmi les jeunes enfants.' 

1759. L'Abbe Expilly, Descr. hist, geogr. des isles britanniques, p. 383 : ' Les rickets 
est une maladie qui attaque souvent les petits enfants et qui devient souvent incurable 
quand elle n'est pas traitee avec le plus grand soin. 3 

1845. Bescherelle, Diet. Nat.: ticket, s.m. Pathol. Nom que Ton donne quel- 
quefois aux personnes affectees de rachitisme et qui en presentent les caracteres 
dans leur conformation.' 

M. Bonnaffe quotes croup from 1777. English influence on consomption 
' phthisie ' (earlier ' maladie de langueur ') seems likely and galopante in 
phthisie galopante comes from galoping consumption. 

One of the ideas of the Refugees was to make known English 
scientific work. As early as June 1685, in the Nouvelles de la Republique 
des Lettres, p. 677, Bayle, struck with the considerable scientific pro- 
duction in this country, says : ' On voit par la que 1'Angleterre toute 
seule pourroit fournir de quoi remplir d'extraits de bons livres un journal 
plus gros que le notre...' And his suggestion was followed. In his 
own periodical are to be found earlier examples than are given by the 
Dictionnaire General of a very large number of scientific terms. It 
appears to me that it would be well to attempt to fix the chronology of 
such scientific terms as began to be used from 1665 ; a proportion of 
them originated in England although as a general rule they would 
come into French from the scientific Latin still much in use at the end 
of the seventeenth century. 

For instance, from Newton's Principia (1687) come the F. centrifuge 
and centripete, but they are transcriptions of Newton's ^atin creations 
centrifuga, centripeta. On the other hand, Newton's Optics appeared in 
English in 1704 (Latin transl., 1706) ; in Coste's translation into French, 
which was published in 1722, reflexible, reftexibilite', refrangible, re- 
frangibilite are taken from English as is supposed by the Diet. Gen. 1 

1 Refrangible, refrangibilite , reflexibilite occur in 1706 in the Nouvelle de la Republique 
des Lettres, Avril, pp. 397, 400, Juin, p. 368, in a review of Newton's Optics and before the 
publication of the Latin translation of that work. 

254 Loan-words from English in 1 8th Century French 

Ref racier and refractif as optical terms are also anglicisms ; the first 
occurs in Voltaire's Elements de la philosophie de Newton in 1738 
(Diet. Gen., 1752). Anglicisms, at a very little later period, are inocaler, 
inoculation (of virus), and also chronometre and compensateur. 

Some would be found in the vocabulary of every science. In zoology, 
M. Bonnaffe gives albatros, alligator, antilope, balbuzard, baltimore, noddy 
and puffin. And there are others. The word mandrill appears to furnish 
a parallel case to that of tatouer. The E. tattoo occurs for the first time 
in Captain Cook's Voyages ; M. Bonnaffe has shown that the F. tatouer 
is first attested from 1772 in translations from Cook. As to mandrill , it 
is a name of a monkey of the genus cynocephalus and it was first inserted 
in the Diet, de I'Acad. in 1878 ; the Diet. Gen. quotes it from 1798 ; 
but it occurs in 1755 in J.-J. Rousseau's Discours sur I'inegalite, p. 226 : 
' II est encore parle de ces especes d'animaux antropoformes dans le 
troisieme tome de la meme Histoire des Voyages sous les noms de beggos 
ou de mandrills...' Now Prevost's Hist, des Voyages began to appear in 
1746, and the volume containing 'le voyage de Guinee de Mr Smith' 
was out by 1748 as it is referred to by Montesquieu in the Esprit des 
Lois ((Euvres, ed. 1820, i, p. 421). It is thus practically certain that 
the first appearance of mandrill in French occurs in the translation of 
W. Smith's Voyage (1744), and the Voyage contains the first example 
of mandrill in English (N.E.D., s. voc. mandrill). This is another small 
piece of evidence of the close relations between the two literatures and 
shows at the samte time the importance for anglicisms of the numerous 
translations of English works of travel which was published in French 
from the end of the seventeenth century. 

Of fish-names gunnelle or gonnelle, pilchard, sprat are usually reflexes 
of gunnellus, pilchardus, sprattus, used by Linnaeus as specific terms. 
There is evidence that pilchard and sprat have existed as more popular 
borrowings ; M. Bonnaffe includes sprat in his list, and an interesting 
example of pilchard in a text of 1707 will be found in the Modern 
Language Review, viii (1913), p. 180. Lac6pede, in his Histoire Naturelle 
des Poissons (1798 1803), made use of various English fish-names : 
ballan, bibe, etc., which though little used have found their way into 

The spelling of the word is often indicative of its source. The -oo of 
kanguroo (from 1802) and of its variants kangouroo, kangaroo (cf. the 
more French termination kangourou, kangarou) suggests that the word 
came through English like whip-poor-will (1779) or racoon ; it is amusing 
to remember, in this connection, that Topffer, Voyages en zigzag (1844), 


ed. 1846, pp. 5, 21, etc., uses kangourou in the sense of ' puce ' and creates 
from it kangouriser and kangourisme. 

Among the names of trees I notice that M. Bonnaffe omits tallipot 
(from 1683), considered by the Diet. Gen. as being the E. tallipot cor- 
rupted from the Malay kelapa. 

English influence on commercial and industrial terms should also be 
noted. Penny (spelled peni), shilling (chelin), farthing (fardin) are in 
Perlin's Description des royaumes d'Angleterre et d'Ecosse (1558). 
Guinee appears in 1669. M. Bonnaffe gives neither half -penny nor crown 
(couronne), cf. demi-couronne. Of weights and measures he only admits 
yard and stone. A glance at Savary des Bruslons' Dictionnaire du Com- 
merce shows that English weights and measures were known in the 
eighteenth century. Inch, foot, mile appear of course as pouce, pied, 
mille ; but fathom, furlong and others could be quoted with examples, 
to say nothing of firkin and kilderkin, rod and rood. 

The English word customs appears at the end of the seventeenth 
century in receveur des coutumes ; excise (quoted by M. Bonnaffe from 
1688) is in 1687 in Miege : 'excise sorte d'impot qu'on peut appeler 
excise par distinction.' M. Bonnaffe quotes drawback from 1755 as a 
commercial term and also consolide (les annuites consolidees in a text of 
1768); he might have noted among the derivatives of the latter the 
words consolider and consolidation in speaking of the public debt. 
Annuite as an insurance term is also an eighteenth-century anglicism. 

M. Bonnaffe includes importer and importation but, by a curious 
oversight, makes no mention of exporter and exportation ; it should be 
noted that reimporter, reimportation, reexporter, reexportation are as old 
as the simpler forms. The names of stuffs are of the commonest kind of 
loan-words. I shall quote two only here : reps and calicot, both admitted 
by the Diet, de I'Acad., in 1835, and neither recognized as anglicisms 
by M. Bonnaffe. As to reps, he may have been influenced by the authors 
of the Diet. Gen. who consider it a word of unknown origin. It is, how- 
ever, clear that its source is the E. rib, ' a raised stripe or wale in cloth 
or knitted goods.' E. ribs has given F. reps which has returned to E. as 
rep or reps. Calicot is not, as the Diet. Gen. says, an attempt to reproduce 
the E. pronunciation of Calicut, but is borrowed from E. calico, spelt 
callico in 1687 by Miege 1 . 

1 M. Bonnaffe includes neither chdle nor cacliemire: 

1791. Volney, Les Raines in (Euvres, ed. 1821, i, 24 : ' Les schals de Kachemire...' 
1793. Mackintosh, Voyages, i, 301: 'Les femmes (aux Indes) ont des shawls qui....' 
In a note: 'Les shawls ou chales, en prononcant & la francoise, sont des voiles de 
mousseline ou d'autre etoffe.' Nor casimir introduced by the Academic into its Dictionary 
in 1835 and considered by the D.G. as of unknown origin. It is the obsolete E. cassimere, 
a doublet of cashmere. 

256 Loan-words from English in 18th Century French 

Of Angloamericanisms, M. Bonnaffe has found squaw, swamp, wigwam 
and alligator in Richard Blome, L'Amerique Angloise (1688), a translation 
from English. Toboggan as an anglicism is quoted from 1890 only; a 
historical note might be added showing that an independent French form 
tabaganne occurs in 1691 in Leclercq's Nouvelle relation de la Gaspesie, 
p. 70, as I am informed by Professor. Weekley. Punch is first quoted in 
1653 as bolleponge from Boullaye-le-Gouz' Voyages and there explained 
as 'une boisson dont les Anglois usent aux Indes' (cf. bouleponche in 
Furetiere's Diet, in 1701 and the later bol de punch). So grog is first 
attested in a translation of Cook's voyages. M. Bonnaffe omits the words 
plantation and planteur. Miege in 1687 translates the plantations of 
America by les plantages d'Amdrique. Already, in reference to Ireland, 
we find in 1704 in the Hist, des guerres civiles, ii, p. 60: 'On envoya 
seulement quelques troupes dans 1'Ultonie pour y defendre leurs planta- 
tions...,' and in 1761 in Savary des Bruslons' Diet, du Comm., iv, c. 211, 
we read : 'Plantations. Les Anglois ont ainsi appell les colonies fondees 
principalement sur la culture, et ils ont nomme planteurs les colons qui 
les cultivent.' 

The American war of independence and the interest aroused thereby 
in France caused the introduction of a certain number of anglicisms : 
congres (congressiste and later congressman), meeting, dollar, cent. To 
these should be added influence on the F. insurgent and insurgence and 
the word papier-monnaie (and sometimes monnaie de papier) : 

1790. Qu'est-ce gue le papier -monnoie ? Lettres cTun Anglais [Playfair] a un 
Franpais. Impr. de Callot in 8vo. [See Querard, Superch. Lift., i, p. 353.] 

1793. Brissot in Deb. of the Nat. Conv., ed. Bossange, 1828, in, p. 150: 'Us 
ignorent done que les Americains furent libres longtemps apres la mort de leur 

1845. Faucher, Etudes sur V Angleterre, i, p. 118: 'La monnaie de papier, en 
Angleterre, est encore aujourd'hui dans son etat feodaJ.' 

Whist in its earlier form wisk has been found by M. Bonnaffe from 
1758. He does not mention the game of crabs or creps (Diet. Gen., from 
1789). French relations with the United States brought in various 
modifications of whist, notably boston and maryland. M. Bonnaffe only 
gives boston and quotes from the N.E.D. his first example of 1805 : 
'Tarif du jeu de boston whist.' But in 1789 a new edition of the 
Academie Universelle des Jeux had appeared at Amsterdam, ' augmentee 
du jeu des echecs par Philidor et du jeu du whisk par Edmond Hoyle, 
traduit de 1'anglois, du whisk bostonien et du maryland.' M. Bonnaffe 
has not found chelem before 1821 nor singleton before 1841 : both are 
in the 1789 edition just mentioned, chelem (pp. 324, 337) in reference to 
both boston and maryland, singleton (p. 330) in reference to boston only. 


Among words of more general interest, one notices the omission of 
romantique (romantisme and occasionally romanticisme), on which so 
much has been written. Humour occurs first in Be'at de Mural t's book, 
published in 1725, but written in 1694-5 1 . Spleen is given by M.Bonnaffe 
from 1763; it is already in Le Blanc's Lettres d'un Francois (1745), i, 
pp. 118, 140, and the disease is described in PreVost's Cleveland (1732) 
although the word does riot occur there. M. Bonnaffe's first instance of 
goddam is of the year 1769; the word is already in 1766 in Baculard 
d'Arnaud's Sydney et Silli, ed. Francfort, 1767, p. 3. A few words of this 
class omitted by M. Bonnaffe might be mentioned : 

lune de miel (E. honeymoon from 1546, N.E.D.). 

1747. Voltaire, Zadig\ 'Zadig eprouva que le premier mois du mariage, comme 
il est ecrit dans le livre du Zend, est la lune de miel, et que le second est la lime de 
Tabsinthe. 5 

1817. [Defauconpret], Londres et ses habitants, i, p. 68 : 'Cela est charmant. Et 
les femmes peuvent-elles faire assurer k leurs maris la mme sante, la meme amabilite 
que dans le premier mois de leur mariage que vous nommez ici le mois de miel ? ' 

1818. La Minerve Francaise, i, p. 253 : Le premier mois de cette union, ce mois 
precieux que les Anglais nomment energiquement the honeymoon, la lune de miel... 5 

1829. Balzac, Physiologie du mariage, medit. vii : * Cette expression, lune de miel, 
est un anglicisme qui passera dans toutes les langues...' 

desappointer, desappointement. 

1761. Voltaire, Lettre a d"' Olivet : ' Que d'expressions nous manquent aujourd'hui 
qui etaient energiques du temps de Corneille... '[ On assignait, on apointait un temps, 
un rendez-vous ; celui qui, dans le moment marque, arrivait an lieu convenu et qui 
n'y trouvait point son prometteur, etait desapointe. Nous n'avons aucun mot pour 
exprimer aujourd'hui cette situation d'un homme qui tient sa parole et k qui on en 

Cf. also Voltaire, Diet. Phil., art. appointe, quoted by Prof. Baldensperger in 
Rev. de Philol. Fr., xxvi, p. 95 : * Les Anglais ont pris de nous ces mots appointe, 
desappointe, ainsi que beaucoup d'autres expressions tres energiques, ils se sont 
enrichis de nos depouilles et nous ri'osons reprendre notre bien.' 

1789. Dutens, L'ami des etr angers qui voy agent en Angleterre, p. 178: 'Votre 
imagination, exaltee par leur exageration, sera certainement desappointe"e...' 

1803. L'Abeille du Nord, 8 Nov., p. 779: 'Ceux qui se seraient represente 
M. Gibbon comme un homme d'une physionomie trouveraient singu- 
lierement desapointes, pour me servir d'une expression anglaise, que nous avons mal 
k propos abandonee...' 

1821. Ch. Nodier, Promenade de Dieppe aux montagnes d?Ecosse, p. 294: 'Le 
desapointement que nous en ressentions, influa peu sur les impressions que nous 
venions chercher.' 

1835. Desappointer, desappointement officially accepted by the Acad. in their 
new sense. 9 

non-sens (thirteenth-century example in Diet. Gen.). 

1745. [Abbe Le Blanc], Lettres d'un Francois, iii, p. 296 : ' Ce que nous nommons 
esprit, les Anglois le nomment deraison.' ' Non sense ' in note at the bottom of the 

ante 1778. Voltaire quoted by Mercier, Neologie, 1801, ii, p. 145 : ' Origene fut le 

1 Humeur as a translation of E. humour occurs in the translation of Temple, (Euvres 
melees, Amsterdam, 1693, ii, 364. 

M.L. R. XVI. 17 

258 Loan-words from English in 18th Century French 

premier qui donna de la vogue au non-sens, au galimathias de la Trinite, qu'on avait 
oublie depuis Justin.' 

1787-8. Fe>aud, Diet, crit., quotes the word from Linguet. 

1809. J. Le Maistre, Les Soirees de St Petersbourg, eU Lyon- Paris, 1870, ii, p. 130 : 
c Quelque chose d'intrinsequement faux, et m6rne de niais, ou comme disent les 
Anglais, un certain non sens qui saute aux yeux.' 

1823. Arcieu, Diorama de Londres, p. 110 : 'II ne faut qu'avoir assiste quelque- 
fois aux debats parlementaires auxquels il prenait part, pour lui avoir entendu lacher 
quelqu'un de ces non sens.' 

1832. Eaymond, Diet. Ge'n. : ' Non-sens, s.m. Phrase qui ne prdsente aucun sens. 
Absence de jugement.' 

1878. Non-sens officially accepted by the Academy. 


1731. Montesquieu, Notes sur VAngleterre dans (Euvres, e"d. 1820, ii, p. 286 : 
4 Comme on voit le diable dans les papiers periodiques, on croit que le peuple va se 
revolter demain.' 

1745. [Abbe Le Blanc], Lettres dun Francois, ii, p. 219 : 'II est triste pour 
nous, dit un auteur anglois, d'tre forces d'avouer que nos papiers publics ne sont 
remplis que de personnalites et de satires scandaleuses.' 

1771. Grimm, Corr. Lift., e"d. 1813, i, p. 131 : 'On peut se rappeler une aventure 
rapportee il y a quelques annees dans les papiers anglais.' 

1774. Grosley, Londres, ed. 1788, iii, p. 235: ' M. Eouguet ne considere, sous 
cet article (Iinprimerie), que les papiers publics qui inondent chaque jour la ville de 
Londres. 3 

In my view the prolonged influence of the English mind on eighteenth- 
century France, considered in its far-reaching results, constitutes one of 
the most important facts of modern times. The extreme French con- 
servatism of the second half of the seventeenth century in the matter 
of neology produced a very natural reaction, and I am convinced that 
English influence on the new vocabulary of the eighteenth century is 
greater than is usually supposed and particularly considerable in the 
case of abstract and general terms. Up to the present, in many cases, 
the English word precedes the corresponding French word in date, but 
that may be due to the extremely unsatisfactory condition of French 
lexicography. The Dictionnaire General was a boon when it appeared 
and it still remains the most satisfactory publication of its kind. But a 
new French dictionary, of larger proportions, is urgently required. In 
it a much more extensive vocabulary would have to be introduced, the 
etymologies would have to be brought up to date, earlier instances than 
those given by the Diet. Gen. quoted for thousands of words, the dating 
of the various meanings of identical words undertaken and in many cases 
the historical order of meanings reversed. Nor can it be expected that any 
one man can satisfactorily accomplish the task. Nor, may I add, can a 
proper account of French borrowings from other languages be drawn up 
until this task is completed. It may, however, interest readers of the 
Modern Language Review to have a few out of many eighteenth-century 


words the English origin of which is either certain or very probable, or 
which at the very least have undergone English influence : 

additionnel (E. additional, quite common in the seventeenth and 
eighteenth centuries). First noted in the second half of the eighteenth 
century, in Turgot (frais additionnels) and in Buffon (Diet. Gen.). Chiefly 
used in centimes additionnels (cf. E. additional excise translated by Boyer 
in 1729 by surer oit d'impot) and in the historical acte additionnel, 

coalition, coaliser, admitted by the Academy in 1798. Cf. 

1787. Feraud, Diet. crit. : coalition. 

1791. Doumergue, Journal de la langue franc ., viii, p. 265 (the word is noted by 
him in one of Mirabeau's speeches) : ' Coalition, mot que les Anglais ont pris des 
Latins et que nous avons pris recemment des Anglais.' 

1798. Romance-Mesmon, art. from Le Reveil of Hambourg, Oct. 1798, p. 209, n. 
(Rev. de Philol. Fr., xxii, p. 141) : * (Coalition) Ce mot n'est pas franais ; il n'existait 
pas meme en Angleterre il y a vingt-cinq ans, au moins dans son acception politique ; 
il doit son origine aux debats parlementaires relatifs a la guerre d'Amerique.' 

conciliatoire, admitted by the Academy in 1 878. 

1777. Linguet, Ann. pol. civ. et lift., iii, p. 523 : 'bills conciliatoires.' E. concilia- 
tory is much earlier. Cf. Linguet's use of prohibitoire, see Gohin, Transformations de 
la Langue francaise, 1903, pp. 328, 329. 


1774. Grosley, Londres, ed. 1788, iii, p. 197 :' Trois tableaux qui j'ai vus de lui 
a 1'exhibition*. *Note: Une exposition publique.' 

1817. [Defauconpret], Londres et ses habitants, ii, p. 161 : 'On en fait ce qu'on 
appelle en Angleterye une exhibition.' 

1826. Ch. Nodier, Promenade de Dieppe aux montagnes d'Ecosse, p. 81 : 'Les 
exhibitions particulieres sont une espece de speculation que la cupidite multiplierait 
au defaut de la vanite, car on paie, a entrer a toutes les exhibitions et m6me k celles 
des musees nationaux.' 

1898. Remy St Maurice, Le Recordman, p. 203 : ' Le Gallic effectua ce que les 
Ame'ricains appellent une course "exhibition," c'est & dire qu'il couvrit seul...une 
distance determinee... 3 

The word is now a common sporting term and with it go exhibitionner 
and exhibitionniste. 

immoral, immoralite, admitted by the Academy in 1835. (The N.E.D. 
quotes E. immoral from 1660 and immorality from 1566.) 

The first instance of F. immoral quoted up to the present is of 1776 
(see Diet. Gen.). For immoralite, the first I can quote is : 

1793. Deb. de la Conv. Nat., eU 1828, iv, p. 313 : ' C'est la la source de la cor- 
ruption et de 1'immoralite qui regnent dans le parlement britannic^e.' 

inconsistance, inconsistant, admitted by the Academy in 1878. Cf. 
E. inconsistence, inconsistency translated by Boyer in 1729 by incompati- 
bilite, and inconsistent by incompatible, contraire, contradictoire. 

1755. Rouquet, $tats des arts en Angleterre, p. 108 : ' Tout ornement introduit 
dans un portrait aux depens de Peffet de la tete est une iuconsistance.' 

1794. La Harpe in Mer cur e f rang., n 4 : 'L'inconsistance des idees, du caractere ; 
1'inconsistance d'un ministre, d'un gouvernement sont des expressions tres claires...' 


260 Loan-words from English in 1 8th Century French 

Gohin quotes from Beaumarchais an example of inconsistant of 1793 : 
' age inconsistant.' 

inoffensif, admitted by the Academy in 1835. Mercier, Neologie, 1801, 
quotes it from a translation of Sterne : ' Une de ces innocentes et in- 
offensives creatures.' E. inoffensive (or harmless) is translated by Miege 
in 1687: 'innocent, qui ne fait aucun mal, qui n'est point malfaisant, 
ou il n'y a pas de mal.' 

instinctif, instinctivement, admitted by the Academy in 1835. The 
Diet. Gen. gives instinctif from, one of Maine de Biran's early philosophical 
essays (1803) and instinctivement from 1802. E. instinctive is common in 
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and instinctive principles is 
used in 1775 in Priestley's criticism of Thomas Reid. 

investigation, used by J.- J. Rousseau in 1750 in the Discours a I' A cad. 
de Dijon, (Euvres, ed. 1782, 12, xiii, p. 61 : ' Que de fausses routes dans 
1'investigation des sciences,' blamed by an anonymous critic and defended 
by Rousseau in his Lettre sur une nouvelle refutation (xiii, p. 230) : 'Quand 
j'ai hazarde le mot investigation, j'ai voulu reiidre un service a la langue, 
en essayant d'y introduire un terme doux, harmonieux, dont le sens est 
deja connu, et qui n'a point de synonyme en Francois/ The word was 
accepted by the Academy in 1798. The E. investigation is rendered by 
Miege in 1687 by exacte recherche, perquisition. 

mesinterpreter, misinterpretation, both used by Diderot and the first 
by J.-J. Rousseau, are the E. misinterpret, misinterpretation. 

populaire, in sense 3 of the Diet. Gdn. : ' qui a la faveur du peuple/ 
With this sense go popularite (Acad. 1798), impopulaire, impopularite 
(Acad. 1835). 

1687. Miege : ' to be a popular man, etre populaire.' 

1704. Clarendon, Hist. d. guerres civ. d'Angl., i, 123-4: 'Williams, evdque de 
Lincoln... qui depuis sa disgrace s'etoit rendu fort populaire...' 

1748. Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois, in Diet. Gen. : 'Pour se rendre populaire...' 

1786. [0. Goldsmith], Lettres phil. et pol. s. Vhist. d'Angleterre (transl. by Mme 
Brissot), i, p. 311 : 'Car pour etre populaire, il falloit 6tre conquerant.' Translator's 
note : ' En Anglois, ce mot veut dire avoir la faveur du peuple et c'est le sens dans 
lequel on le prendra.' 

population. See the Diet. Gen. 

social. The word is found in various senses in the fourteenth, fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries. Its fortune (cf. the derived socialisme, socialiste) 
was made by Rousseau's Contrat Social of 1762. -The Supplement of 
1752 to the Diet, de Trevoax notes vertus sociales from PreVost's Pour 
et Contre (1731-40); E. social virtues is translated in 1729 by Boyer: 
vertus sociables. Vertus sociales occurs repeatedly from 1740, e.g., in 1748 


in [Toussaint], Mceurs, 4th ed., 1749, p. 258. For the numerous meanings 
of E. social in the early eighteenth century, see the N.E.D. 
vulgarite (in an unfavourable sense). Cf. 

1800. Pougens, Bibl. franc., De"c., p. 163 : ' Madame de Stael me paralt moins 
heureuse lorsqu'elle veut deferidre le mot vulgarite. Cette expression empruntee de 
Dryden est-elle bien conforme au genie de notre langue ? ' 

[Cf. Dryden, Dedication to Juvenal : ' Is the grandesophos of Persius and the 
sublimity of Juvenal to be circumscribed with the meanness of words and the vul- 
garity of expression ? '] 

Another important word of this class is patriote in the modern sense, 
with patriotique and patriotisme, all accepted by the Academic in 1762. 
The older meaning of patriote is 'compatriote.' For the new meaning cf. : 

1750. [Bolingbroke], Lettres sur V esprit de patriotisme, sur I' idee d'un roi patriote... 
ouvrage traduit de Vanglois [by the comte de Bissy], Londres, in 8vo. (The E. original 
goes back to 1738.) 

It would be interesting to know if any much earlier instances of the 
French words in question can be given. Under the influence of Rousseau, 
from 1754 (cf. Dedication to Disc, sur I'inegalite, p. xxiii : 'un honnete 
et vertueux patriote '; viii : ' la tendre affection d'un vrai patriote '), the 
word patriote gained ground very rapidly ; both patriotique and patriotisme 
occur in letters of Moultou to Rousseau in 1758. On the other hand, 
the corresponding English words were common in the beginning of the 
eighteenth century. 

These few instances show that a great deal remains to be done in 
this field of enquiry. The greatest French writers of the time as well as 
the humblest have helped in the naturalisation of words from English 
sources. Some authors and some subjects are particularly implicated- 
At the end of the century Linguet's Annales (1777 1783) contains not 
only benevolence, boxe (at a theatre), closet, counsellor, cutter, forgery, 
garret, huzza, impeachmen(t), indictment, pit, smogler, soupe untonnee, but 
words of so-called learned formation, the corresponding English forms of 
which had been long in use ; congratulatoire, digestible and indigestible, 
Emigration, incidentel, inconditionnel, jesuitisme, judiciel, obliteration, 
theoriste and many others. 

I do not suppose that Professor Brunot would wish ^is to take too 
seriously his statement in the preface that the search for early examples 
of words is ' un jeu assez pueril.' In the history of loan-words, the early 
texts are often of paramount importance. Not the date only but the 
nature and source of the text must be taken into account. In that 
respect the work of Godefroy and Delboulle must lightly treated, 
and they have helped the Diet. Gen. to attain its recognized place in 
lexicography. In the course of this article, I have already called attention 

262 Loan-words from English in 18th Century French 

to earlier instances of some thirty words and I think it worth while to 
append the following notes on some thirty others. The date within 
brackets after each word is that of the earliest instance given by 
M. Bonnaffe : 

baby (1850), bebe (1842). 1704. Clarendon, Hist. d. g. civ. d'Angl, i, 
p. 22 : 'Le roi parla en ces termes... Voici baby Charles et Stenny qui 
souhaitent aller. . .en Espagne pour querir 1'infante. . .' Note : ' Baby qui 
veut dire petit enfant, et Stenny etoient des noms dont il se servit 
en parlant du prince et du due.' Cf. Bebe, surname of Nicolas Ferry 
(1739 1764), dwarf at the court of Lorraine. 

bill d 1 'attainder (1826). 1748. Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois, in (Euvres, 
ed. 1820, i, p. 323. 

boxeur (1792). 1788. Mercier, Tableau de Paris, xi, p. 162. 

building (1895). Cf. 1774. Grosley, Londres, i, p. 48 : ' La Tamise. . . 
n'a de communication avec 1'interieur de la ville, pour les chargemens 
et dechargemens des marchandises, que par des biddings, stairs ou 
echelles qui se ferment exactement hors les cas de besoin...' 

Chester (1853). 1760. Savary des Bruslons, Diet, du Comm., ii, p. 782 : 
'On fait cas du fromage de Chester.' 1762. Journal du voyage a Londres 
du due de Nivernais, in Lom6nie, La Comtesse de Rochefort et ses amis, 
p. 366 : 'Une bouchee de fromage de Chester tres gras.' 1790. Grimm, 
Corr. Litt., ed. 1813, v, p. 397. 1845. Bescherelle, Diet. Nat. 

claret (1830). 1762. Journ. du voy. du due de Nivernais, in Lorn erne, 
op. cit, p. 367 : ' Avec deux petits coups de vin claret, c'est-a-dire de 

coachman (1838). 1790. Grimm, Corr.Litt.,ed. 1813, v, p. 395. 1830. 
Balzac, Route d'Hastings, in Spoelberch de Lovenjoul, Hist. d. ceuvres 
d. Balz., p. 260. 

congres (1776). 1776. Beaumarchais, Memoire au roi seul, 29 fevrier, 
in Lomenie, Beaum. et son temps, i, p. 101 : ' Je puis vous dire des a 
present quelles resolutions prendra le congres a cet egard.' 

coolie, couli (1699). 1684. Thevenot, Voyages, iii, p. 20. 

creek (1786). 1759. Bellin, Ess. gdogr. sur les isles britanniques, ii, 
p. 35, n. : ' Par le mot creek, les Anglois entendent une petite baie ou 
anse, dans laquelle de petits batimens peuvent mouiller et se mettre a 
1'abri. Us donnent aussi ce nom a de petites rivieres qui se de"chargent 
dans une plus grande, ou meme a la mer, lorsque leur cours n'est pas 
e"tendu. En francois nous avons le mot de crique qui a la meme signifi- 

croupal (1863). 1832. Raymond, Diet. Gtn. 


cromwellisme (1689). 1688. Ex. in Littre, Suppl. 

cromwelliste (1717). 1666. Robinet in Continuateurs de Lovet, ed. 
Rothschild, i, 887. 1685. Nouv. de la republ. des Lettres, Mai, p. 563. 

dispensaire (1775). Cf. 1745. [Abbe Le Blanc], Lett d'un Fr., ii, p. 85 : 
' Malgre les eloges que les Anglois donnent a ce dernier (i.e., Garth), au 
sujet de son Dispensaire...' 1754. Pope, (Euvr., i, p. 22: ' Le docteur 
Garth, auteur du Dispensary, fut un des premiers amis de notre poete.' 

dyke (1768). 1759. Savary des Bruslons, Diet, du Comm., i, c. 975. 

fox-hunter (1840). 1745. [Abbe Le Blanc], Lett, d'un Fr., ii, p. 188 : 
' C'est la description bizarre d'un etre assez singulier et que les Anglois 
appellent fox-hunter. . . Le fox-hunter ne connoit de gloire que celle de 
courir aussi vite que Tanimal dont il est 1'ennemi declare...' 

hourrah, hurra (1830). 1774. Grosley, Londres, i, p. 158 : ' Sa fureur 
(i.e., de la canaille) tomba principalement sur les carrosses de place, des 
cochers desquels elle exigea qu'ils la saluassent du fouet et du chapeau 
en criant ourey : cri de ralliement dans toutes les bagarres.' 

ketch (1788). This form occurs in 1761 in Savary des Bruslons, Diet, 
du Comm., iii, c. 470. 

medium (1856), of spiritualism. Cf. the following : 1765. [Berger], 
transl. of D. Webb, Rech. sur les beautes de la nature, p. 143 : ' Les hommes 
d'un genie superieur voyent la nature a travers le meme medium, leur 
imagination brillante...' 

newtonianisme (1773). 1738. Letter of Mme du Chatelet to Mau- 
pertuis in Lettres, ed. Asse, p. 199. 

non-conformiste (1688). 1684. [Nicole], Les pretendus reformer, 
p. 614, 

porter (1775). 1774. Grosley, Londres, i, p. 333 : ' Quoique le porter 
passe pour tres fort, il me portoit moins a la tete qu'a 1'estomac...' 

sandwich (1802). Cf. 1774. Grosley, Londres, i, p. 296, which gives 
the description of a sandwich and says it was named after an English 
minister, but does not give the name. (Already mentioned in first ed. 
of 1770.) 

self defence (1889). 1745. [Abbe Le Blanc], Lett, d'un Fr., iii, p. 8 : 
' Moi, George Bishop, maitre de la noble science de defense dans toutes 
ses branches...' 

toast 2 (17 62). 1745. [Abbe Le Blanc], Lett, d'un Fr., ii., p. 105: 
toste, toste de rebut, 

toaster (1750). 1745. [Abbe Le Blanc], op. cit., ii, p. 108. 

turnep (1771). 1761. Savary des Bruslons, Diet, du Comm., iii, c. 482 
(art. laine): 'Les navets ou turnipes...' 

264 Loan-words from English in 18th Century French 

whisky (1786). 1770. D'Orville, Nuits anglaises according to Hans 
Bachmann, Das Englische Sprachgut in den Romanen Jules Verne's, 
1916, p. 7. 1786. Grimm, Corr. Litt., 3 e partie, iii, p. 492 : ' wiskis.' 

It will be noted that I have throughout this article carefully given 
the texts on which I base my argument. Mere affirmation, unsupported 
by textual evidence, must be of little value in dealing with the origin 
of loan-words. On the subject of eighteenth-century English loan-words 
in French, I believe that good and interesting work remains to be done. 



IN the eleventh Canto of the Inferno (lines 22 90) two distinct 
statements are put upon the lips of Virgil in reference to the Ethical 
System of Hell. A considerable literature has gathered round the question 
of their relation to each other, but, though opinions still differ, I cannot 
help hoping that a fuller statement and coordination of the evidence 
than, so far as I know, has yet been furnished, may secure a unanimous 

I believe it can be shewn that an elaborate and uniform numerical 
scheme underlies the classification in all the three Cantiche. It consists 
in a three-fold division, yielding, by subdivision of its first and third mem- 
bers, seven main divisions of souls ; to which two more, on a somewhat 
different plane, must be added, 7 + 2 = 9; while yet another mansion, 
distinct from the nine thus appropriated gives us 9 + 1, and so yields the 
mystic number 10. But in the matter of topography and classification 
the first Cantica is far more complicated than either of the other two, 
and for that reason it will be well to preface our examination of the 
Inferno by a brief account of the simpler schemes of the Purgatorio and 
the Paradiso. 

On the Mount of Purgatory there are seven terraces. They correspond 
to the seven Capital Vices, from the stains of which souls must be cleansed 
before they can ascend to the Earthly Paradise. But this seven-fold 
classification is explained by Virgil (in Purgatorio xvn) as rising out of 
a three-fold division that underlies it. Our affections, he says, are per- 
fectly regulated when we love, or rejoice in, the right things in the right 
measure God and goodness supremely, and all else in relation and in 
subordination to that highest love. When we go wrong, we either love 
what we ought not to love at all, or we love the supreme to* little or that 
which is not supreme too much. Thus perverse love, inadequate love, 
and excessive love, include, amongst them, every kind of passion or 
affection that needs purgation on the Mount, and they underlie all the 
seven capital vices. 

1 The quotations from the Inferno given in t his essay are taken from Mr George Mus- 
grave's translation. It was in connection with a hoped for reissue of that work that it was 
first drafted. 

266 The Ethical System of the ' Inferno ' 

If, in Pride, we desire another's defeat or humiliation as ministering 
to our own exaltation, if, in Envy, we grudge another's success or rejoice 
in his ill-fortune, or if, in Anger, we seek assuagement in another's hurt, 
then we take joy in that for which we ought to feel sorrow and our love 
is perverse. If, in Sloth, we neglect the means of learning what we may 
of the Supreme Good, or pursue it, when known, with languid affection 
then our love is defective. If, in Avarice, in Gluttony, or in Carnality, 
we pursue the things of the world and the flesh too eagerly, then our love 
is excessive. 

Thus the arrangement of the repentant souls in seven classes (occu- 
pying seven distinct terraces) reveals itself as an elaboration of a more 
fundamental three-fold division. Or, if we take it the other way round, 
we may say that we find the first and third members of the fundamental 
Triad each falling into three sections, while the central member remains 
undivided ; so that we have 3 + 1 + 3 = 7. Reading from below upwards, 
in the order of Dante's ascent, then, we have 

( Carnality 3 

3 Excessive love \ Gluttony 2 

[Avarice 1 

2 Defective love Sloth 1 

{Anger 3 

Envy 2 

Pride 1 


But, in addition to the occupants of the seven terraces, there are the 
Excommunicated on the island-base of the Mount, and the Late Repentant 
on its lower slopes, constituting two other classes not strictly coordinate 
with the seven ; and giving us 7 + 2 = 9. There remains the Garden of 
Eden at the summit, which is not a part of Purgatory at all, but is the 
goal to which it leads. And so 9 + 1 = 10 completes the scheme. 

Turning to the Paradiso we find a closely but not monotonously 
parallel system. There is indeed no direct emphasis laid on a three-fold 
division, but the central position and significance of the Sun is repeatedly 
impressed upon us directly and by implication ; and if we take first, the 
three * inferior ' planets, the Moon, Mercury and Venus, all of which are 
within the range of the earth's shadow; second, the Sun himself; and 
third, the three ' superior ' planets, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn, we have 
an easily recognisable scheme of 3 + 1 + 3 = 7. 

And again, we have two other regions far more conspicuous and 
important than in the parallel case of the Purgatorio clearly differen- 
tiated from the seven spheres of the earlier part of the poem. In these 
two regions no special class of souls appears to the poet, but the whole 


host of the Redeemed in the one, and all the Angels in the other. These 
are the sphere of the fixed Stars and the sphere of the Primum Mobile, 
and they give us 7 + 2 = 9. And finally, beyond all the nine revolving 
spheres, there is the Empyrean spaceless, timeless, and subject to no 
change. So here too we close with 9 + 1 = 10. 

The scheme of the Inferno is more elaborate and complicated. We 
may note, however, at the outset, that the Vestibule containing the 
Trimmers and the Neutral Angels is associated with Hell but is not a 
part of it ; and furthermore that Hell itself contains nine circles and nine 
classes of damned souls. So we can already recognise the 9 + 1 = 10 with 
which we are familiar in the other Cantiche. With this preface we may 
turn to the eleventh Canto of the Inferno, where the classification of sins 
is expressly set forth by Virgil. 

When we reach this eleventh Canto, the poets have already passed 
through six of the Infernal Circles, those namely of the Virtuous Heathen 
(i), of the Carnal (il), of the Gluttons (ill), of the Avaricious and Prodigal 
(iv), of the Angry (v), and of the Heretics (vi) ; and now, as they pause 
on the verge of the deepening and narrowing abyss, Dante's guide explains 
to him the nature and meaning of the three circles (vn, vm, ix) that 
remain, placing them expressly in line with those previously traversed. 
All malizia, he explains, which earns hatred in heaven, aims at inflicting 
injury, and it works by the two weapons of forza (practised by the vio- 
lenti) and frode. The more heinous of these is frode, because it is an 
abuse of the specifically human faculty of reason. It is delU uom proprio 
male. And so : ' The fraudulent are lower, in suffering more intense.' 

But the fraudulent themselves constitute two classes rather than one, 
inasmuch as Traitors, who have fraudulently wronged those who had 
special claims on their fidelity, are differentiated from the common cheats, 
who have only traded on the ordinary confidence that one man has in 
the integrity and good-will of another. Thus the Traitors are punished 
with Satan in the lowest circle of all (ix), whereas those guilty only of 
common fraud, 

which breaks 
Only the bond of love which nature makes, 

occupy circle vm. 

Thus, the three circles yet to be explored contain the violenti (vn), 
the (simply) frodolenti (vm), and the Traitors, or treacherously frodo- 
lenti (ix). Of these three circles VII is subdivided into three, vm into 
ten, and IX into four compartments. But these subdivisions do not affect 
our present enquiry. 

268 The Ethical System of the ' Inferno ' 

When Virgil has finished his account of the three circles (vm ix) 
which the pilgrims have yet to visit, Dante, after complimenting him on 
his luminous exposition, proceeds to question him about four (but four 
only) of the six circles they have already seen. Why, he asks, were (1) the 
Carnal, (2) the Gluttonous, (3) the Avaricious and Prodigal, and (4) the 
Angry, not included in the treatment of ' all malizia that earns hatred 
in heaven,' if they have offended God ? And, if they have not, why are 
they punished ? On this Virgil displays a quite unwonted irritation, 
caused (as it is easy for any teacher to surmise !) not by the unintelligence 
of the question itself, but by its coming on the top of the pupil's assertion 
that he had perfectly understood the exposition. Had he really under- 
stood it (and it was not hard), a passage in Aristotle with which he was 
particularly familiar, a tacit reference to which had run through Virgil's 
whole discourse, would have furnished him of itself with the answer to 
his question. 'What!/ the teacher rejoins, 'Does not Aristotle tell us 
that there are three kinds of reprehensible conduct, incontinenza, malizia, 
and bestialitade ? And does he not add that of these three incontinenza 
is the least blameworthy 1 ? ' Had not the questioner's wits been 
wool-gathering, or his usual intelligence thrown out of gear, he would 
have had this passage in his mind, and would have seen, without asking, 
why the sinners in the said four circles (all of whom had manifestly sinned 
through incontinence) were broadly distinguished from the fell souls 
punished in the Nether Hell. 

This remarkable dialogue incidentally resolves our nine circles of Hell 
into the 7 + 2 for which we are prepared. For both Dante in his question 
and Virgil in his answer tacitly omit circle I, of Unbelievers, and circle VI, 
of Misbelievers, as though they lay outside the system under examination, 
as indeed they do. Thus the three lower circles yet to be visited (vn, 
VIII, ix), and the four upper circles of the Incontinent already traversed 
(li, ill, IV, v) form a scheme of seven, outside which the two others (l, vi) 
stand on a distinct footing, 7 + 2 = 9. 

And further, by now making a single class of Incontinence (1) in the 
Upper Hell, coordinate with the two classes offorza (2) and frode (3) in 
the Nether Hell, Virgil has given us the three-fold division that we expect 
on the analogy of the other two Cantiche. The seven-fold division we 
have already recognised is now found to spring out of this Triad by the 
subdivision of its first member, incontinenza, into four and of its last, 

1 It has been observed that Aristotle nowhere makes this statement in set terms. But 
the objection is captious, for it is implied, and quite obviously assumed, throughout his 
whole discussion of the three reprehensible kinds of conduct. 


frode, into two. This gives us a 4 + 1 + 2 = 7, which is easily recog- 
nisable as analogous to the more symmetrical 3 + 1 + 3 = 7 of the other 

The 7 + 2 = 9, and -the 9 + 1 = 10 of the others we have already found 
in the Inferno also. 

The whole scheme of the Inferno, then, may be thus presented : 

1 Trimmers 

1 Heathen 

{1 Carnality 
2 Gluttony 
3 Avarice 
4 Anger 

2 Heretics 

2 Force 1 Force 

f 1 Simple Fraud 
3 Fraud | 2 Trea F cherous Fraud 

3 4 + 1 + 2 = 7 +2 = 9 +1 = 10 

Thus, by the aid of the Aristotelian reference, we have been enabled 
to disentangle the full numerical scheme so plainly set out in the Pur- 
gatorio and the Paradiso from the intricacies by which it is crossed in 
the Inferno. But here the reader may demand, not without some 
impatience, how he can be asked to suppose that Dante the poet was at 
all these pains to lay traps for Dante the pilgrim, and at the same time 
to conceal his numerical scheme almost past finding out. The natural 
progress of our investigations will bring us an answer ; and meanwhile 
calling, for convenience, the triad incontinenza, forza, frode the 
'Virgilian,' and the triad incontinenza, bestialitade, malizia 1 the 
* Aristotelian ' we may note that when Virgil has developed the two 
last terms of his own triad he implies that Dante himself ought to have 
been able to supply the first term, on the analogy of the Aristotelian 
triad, by including circles I iv, in their collectivity, under incontinenza. 
The presumption then is strong that the analogy holds all through and 
that we are to take bestialitade = forza (violenti), and malizia = frode. 
The alternative is to regard the Aristotelian triad as introduced merely 
for the sake of embracing the four upper circles under the least heinous 
category of offences. In this case the introduction of b&tialitade and 
malizia would be purely incidental, and therefore, for purposes of 
classification, irrelevant. 

1 The order of enumeration in Inf. xi, 82 sq. is 

Incontinenza, malizia e la matta 


In Aristotle (Eth. Nic. vii, 1,1) it is: malitia, incontinentia, bestialitas. But the order 
of gradation, with which alone we are concerned, is identical in both. 

270 The Ethical System of the ' Inferno ' 

Let us then set aside the incontinema, as to which there is no dispute, 
and examine the relation, or want of relation, between the two other pairs 
of terms (throwing the Aristotelian words into their Latin form) : 


* . ( forza bestialitas 


It will be convenient here to note that the terms forza and frode 
are taken from Cicero : Cum autem duobus modis, id est, aul vi autfraude 
fiat injuria ; fraus quasi vulpecidae, vis leonis videtur (De Off. 1, 13, sec. 10). 
The influence of this passage may be traced in Inf. xxvii, 75, but what 
chiefly interests us in the present context is that (while incidentally 
explaining the introduction in Virgil's discourse of ingiuria, as the link 
between malizia and forza and frode) it fully explains why those who 
practise forza (vis) are uniformly described as the violenti. 

The terms of comparison then are the Ciceronian and the Aristotelian 
terminology ; and there would be nothing at all surprising in Dante's 
finding, or attempting to establish, a harmony between them. Consider- 
able sections of the 2 a 2 ae of the Sam. Theol. are devoted to similar 
adjustments and harmonisings between the terms, or systems, of different 
authorities. But in this instance scholars who work on the Greek text 
of Aristotle have found irreconcilable divergencies between his classifi- 
cation and Cicero's. Aristotle's own terms are atcpaaia, O^picr^, and 
Ka/cia ; so that, setting aside dicpaa-ia, as to which there is no dispute, 
we have to study (1) the relation of #77/^0x779 (represented in the Latin 
translation used by Dante by bestialitas) and forza; and (2) that of 
/ca/cia (malitia) aid. frode. We will begin with (1). 

Now Aristotle expressly states that Ofjpiorrjs is different in kind from 
/ca/cua. It is erepov n 76^09 KaKias (Eth. Nic. vii, 1, 1), whereas forza, 
in the Inferno, is but a certain species of malizia itself. If then we 
identify bestialitas with forza, we make it at once a species of malizia and 
something different from it in kind. When we turn to the Latin trans- 
lation, however, the case is completely changed ; for the translator, by 
a not unpardonable error, understands Aristotle in the exact opposite 
sense, and makes him say that bestialitas is quoddam genus malitiae a 
certain kind of malizia, just as forza is in the other scheme. Moreover 
Aristotle himself, while sharply distinguishing #77^0x779 from /catcia, 
regards them both as forms of fiojfB^pia^ /ca/cia being /jLo^Orjpla tear 
avOpwjrov, and #77/^6x779 a barbarous or exorbitant fjio^OripLa, more 
revolting than tcaicia but not really so mischievous, because a bad man, 
under the direction of his intelligence, 'can work a thousand-fold more 


harm than a brute 1 .' Now the Latin version translates fjLO^6rjpia by the 
very same word, malitia, that it has already used for Kaicia. Thus I and 
IT in Italian and Latin become 


7 . . ( forza T.- (bestialitas 

mahzia / mahtia 

And in both cases the second form of malitia is declared to be specifically 
human (dell' uom proprio male in I, and malitia secundum hominem in li) 
and at the same time is said to be more pernicious or blameworthy than 
the other. In both schemes, too, the first form of malitia is specifically 
differentiated from the other by its monstrous and un human nature. 
Aquinas in his commentary calls it bestialis malitia 2 . 

Nor will anyone deny that the general character of the offences in- 
cluded by Aristotle under OrjpioTrjs corresponds to the crimes of the 
violenti punished in Dante's circle of forza. 

In a later chapter (Eth. Nic. vii, 5) Aristotle develops his concep- 
tion of passions that are #77/9 1&> Set?, and associates with them such as 
are voarj/jLaTcoSeLS, or unnaturally morbid. All are treated together and 
are said to arise from diseased physical conditions or mutilations, from 
evil habits early instilled, or from an abnormally depraved disposition. 
Their general characteristic is that they find attraction in things that 
are naturally repulsive. They are therefore monstrous and contrary to 
human nature. 

It is exactly this idea, systematically worked out by Dante, more 
&MO, that underlies the arrangement of circle vn. It is a commonplace 
alike with Dante and Aquinas that there are three objects of affection 
natural to man (cf. Conv. I, 1, 54 sqq., Purg. xvii, 106 111). It is 
natural to us to feel good-will to our kind if no interest or passion of 
our own is enlisted against them. For instance, it would be unnatural 
not to help a man who had fallen down to get up again, even if he were 
a stranger. It is still more obviously natural for every man to desire 
his own good. And most of all is it natural to man to love God, apart 
from whom there can be no existence, no good, and therefore nothing to 
love at all. The sins of circle vn do violence, or force, to all these 

1 Vide Inf. xxxi, 49 sqq. (in reference to Nature having discretely ceased to produce 
giants, though still producing whales and elephants). Cf. Purg. v, 112 sq. where the con- 
junction of pure malevolence with intelligence in a devil is noted. 

2 The equivocal use of the term malitia in n, as the name both of the genus and of 
one of the species it embraces, presents no difficulty. Dante himself makes Fraud (generic) 
include Fraud and Treachery as species. Aristotle makes Incontinence (generic) include 
Incontinence proper and Incontinence in desire for gain, in temper or in ambition (cf. 
p. 278). The Ethics teems with analogous instances. 

272 The Ethical System of the 'Inferno ' 

natural affections. The violenti, instead of taking pleasure in doing 
kind offices to their neighbours, take a disinterested delight in torturing 
them (cf. Aquinas on Arist. Eth. Nic. vii, 5, 3, [Phalaris] in ipsis 
cruciatibus hominum delectabatur) or in devastating their possessions. 
Or sometimes the perversion may strike a deeper stratum where the 
'violent' hates his own life or makes a wild onslaught on his own 
property. But they are most unnatural and ' violent ' of all who hate 
God himself and the Nature * which is his art/ (Cf. De Mon. I, iii, 18; 
II, ii, 37, and Inf. XI, 100, after Mr Musgrave's certain restoration of ed 
e sua arte.} The influence of the Aristotelian phraseology, too, may be 
seen in the 'bestial,' that is unhuman, form of the guardians of the 
seventh circle, the Minotaur, the Centaurs, the Harpies, and the Black 
Bitches. Note too that Aristotle mentions the trick of biting the nails 
or plucking at the hair as allied to Oypiorr)?, and Dante's Minotaur gnaws 
his own flesh. 

It is abundantly evident, then, that the bestiales of the Aristotelian 
reference correspond in principle to the violenti of Virgil's first discourse ; 
but, more than that, I think it can be shewn that, in this connection, 
the terms bestiales and violenti themselves would be regarded by Dante 
as synonyms; for we have seen that bestialitas is a breaking out 
against nature ; and all through his Physical treatises Aristotle habitu- 
ally uses violentus (fticuos) as equivalent to contra naturam. Look, for 
example, at Phys. v, vi, 5, or De Caelo, ill, ii, 1, where it is expressly 
said that ' to be moved " by violence " or " against nature " is one and the 
same thing.' It is true that the context in which Aristotle uses piaios 
in this sense is very generally concerned with physical movements. But 
this is not always so. He applies the term to monstrous births, for 
instance; and he says that taking interest is the most ' unnatural ' of all 
ways of making money, and again that the man who wants to make 
money for its own sake fiiaibs rt? eanv. Pol. I, iii [x] fin., Eth. Nic. I, v, 8 
(1258 b 7 sq., 1096 a 6). Aquinas too explains that the violentum is excisio 
quaedam ejus quod est secundum naturam, and again, that it is quaedam 
exorbitas ab eo quod est secundum naturam (Com. in De Caelo, n, xxiii, 
4, i, 9) ; and he applies the term to forced flowers and to contortions of 
the body. In the light of these passages (which could be indefinitely 
multiplied) it becomes clear that the term ' violent ' could be naturally 
applied in the Inferno not only to acts of reckless slaughter or devas- 
tation, but to every sort of perverse and unnatural wickedness or depraved 
habit that involves the 'elimination' of the natural affections, or the 
' exorbitant ' play of animal impulses not specifically human, and, gener- 


ally, anything that runs counter to nature just such sins, in fact, as 
we find in Dante's seventh circle or under the heading of Qiipiorr)? in 
Aristotle's Ethics. 

As to the frodolenti of circles vni and ix as compared with 
Aristotle's malitia, in the narrower sense, it is enough to note that 
both classes include all the sins that do not come under the head of 
incontinence or of brutish violence, and that both are characterised 
by the turning of the specific human faculty of intelligence to evil 

We can now understand why, when Dante told Virgil that he com- 
pletely understood his exposition of forza (violenti) and f rode, and then 
by his question shewed plainly that he had not so much as noted that the 
elaborately described ' violence ' was unhuman brutishness, and had so 
missed the running parallel with the Aristotelian division, the teacher 
felt some irritation. For it is an interesting fact, which we happen to 
know, that Dante himself, the Poet, had been particularly familiar with 
this three-fold Aristotelian division of reprehensible dispositions from 
early days, and never seems to have had it long out of his mind. It is 
worth while to set forth the proof of this. 

In the prose framework in which Dante set the poems of the Vita 
Naova (written, say, in 1292) he tells us ( n) that, after meeting 
Beatrice as a little girl, in her ninth year, he closely observed her ways 
' and found her so noble and praiseworthy that verily of her might 
have been said those words of the poet Homer: "She seemed not to be 
the daughter of a mortal man, but of God." ' Now Dante had no first- 
hand acquaintance with Homer, and his actual quotations from him are 
all taken from Aristotle or Horace. This particular one occurs in the 
very passage of the Ethics which we are now considering. ' To bestiality 
one might reasonably oppose some heroic and divine excellence that 
transcends the range of our human virtue, even as Homer makes Priam 
say of Hector, because of his supreme excellence, "nor did he seem to be 
the child of a mortal man, but of God." ' We see then that at this early 
period of his studies Dante was already familiar with the opening of the 
seventh book of the Nicomachean Ethics. 

We may go further. It is clear that this section of the Ethics had 
specially impressed him, and moreover that he had studied the com- 
mentary of Aquinas upon it ; for he incorporates a remarkable passage 
from this commentary in the third book of the Convivio, written, we 
may suppose, in 1308 or a little earlier. In reference to the contrast 
between heroic or divine excellence and bestiality, Aquinas says: 'In 
M. L. R. xvi. 1 8 

274 The Ethical System of the 'Inferno ' 

evidence of which we must consider that the human soul stands midway 
between the higher and divine beings with whom it shares intelligence, 
and the brute beasts with whom it shares the faculties of sense. As 
then the sensitive parts of the soul are sometimes corrupted in man 
even to the similitude of the beasts which is called bestiality as ex- 
ceeding the limits of human vice and incontinence so likewise the 
rational part is sometimes perfected and informed in man beyond the 
common measure of human perfection, even as it were to the similitude 
of the Immaterial Beings, and this is called divine virtue as beyond the 
human and common virtue. For the order of things is such that the 
mean touches either extreme on this side or that. Hence in human 
nature too there is that which touches the higher, that which is united 
with the lower, and that which is of intermediate habit between them/ 
Compare Dante's ' And because in the intellectual order of the universe 
ascent and descent is by almost continuous gradations, there is no inter- 
mediate step from the lowest form to the highest, and from the highest 
to the lowest (as we see is the case in the sensible order); and because 
between the Angelic nature, which is an intellectual existence, and the 
human soul, there is no intermediate step, but the one is as it were 
continuous with the other in the order of gradation ; and because 
between the human soul and the most perfect soul of the brute animals 
there is also no intermediary, and because we see many men so vile 
and of such base condition as scarce to seem other than beasts, so 
also we are to lay it down and firmly to believe that there be some 
so noble and of so lofty condition as to be scarce other than angels. 
Otherwise the human species would not be continued in either 
direction, which may not be. Such as these Aristotle, in the Seventh 
of the Ethics, calls divine 1 .' And again in the Fourth Treatise 2 he 
recurs to the contrast between the vilissimi e bestiali and the nobilis- 
simi e divini amongst men, and he once more refers us directly to the 
seventh book of the Ethics and the quotation from Homer. And yet 
again, in the De Monarchic^ 3 Dante returns to the Homeric passage 
concerning Hector, and again refers directly to Aristotle ' in iis quae de 
moribus fugiendis ad Nicomachum,' i.e. ' in that section of the Nicoma- 
chean Ethics which treats of reprehensible conduct.' 

It is evident then that Aristotle's three-fold division was familiarly 
present to Dante's mind all through his life as a student and a writer; 
and the words he puts upon the lips of Virgil shew that he had read 

i Convivio ra, vii, 6990. 2 xx, 30 sqq. 

3 ii, iii, 5357. 


the whole Aristotelian doctrine into Cicero's phrases 1 . Had Dante, the 
student, actually heard a teacher deliver Virgil's discourse to a pupil, he 
would at once have recognised it as a luminous commentary on the 
Aristotelian locus de moribus fagiendis, and would never have asked the 
inept question that drew Virgil's rebuke. But Dante, the poet, is not 
so sure of his reader; and he thinks it quite possible that, even after all 
the hints that have been given him, the said reader may need an express 
reference to Aristotle's actual words and phrases though he ought to 
be ashamed of himself if he does! Only it is a gracious practice of 
Dante's, dictated by his subtle sense of sympathy with his reader, to 
represent himself as bewildered and as receiving enlightenment from 
his guides, whenever he has a difficult point to expound. This practice 
is of course essential to the texture of the Comedy, as a dramatic 
narrative, and it is due to the consummate sincerity with which this 
attitude is maintained that the reader finds himself perpetually under 
the illusion that he is really being instructed with Dante and not by him. 
It is this that makes the Comedy (the most frankly didactic of all great 
poems) so entirely free from the offensive tone of superiority with which 
didactic writings are often taxed. But this is not a mere artifice. It 
represents the proud Dante's deep humility before the face of his great 
teachers. Whether or not, in any special instance, Dante is actually 
recording his own former perplexities and taxing himself with obtuse- 
ness in so long failing to see the obvious solution that lay within his 
grasp, we may be sure that the general impression we receive of Dante 
the pilgrim truly represents what Dante the man thought of himself. 
It was his sincere conviction that, when his gifts and his opportunities 
were weighed, the wonder was not that he saw so much but that he had 
been so slow to see it. 

It would perhaps be enquiring too curiously to ask whether, in this 
special instance, reminiscences are embedded of Dante's own slowness to 
connect a somewhat detached passage in Cicero's De Ojficiis with the 
opening of Aristotle's seventh book, and the light he ultimately gained 
from bringing them together ; but in any case the passage so understood 

1 It is equally obvious, of course, that Cicero himself did not mean all that Dante read 
into him. In the first place, he uses the substantive vis but not the adjective violentus so 
significantly introduced by Dante. And in the second place, even if he had used it, it could 
not, in his day, have borne the technical meaning it acquired as a translation of Aristotle's 
/Sicuos. The nearest approach to such a use that I have found cited from a classical author 
is where Seneca's Hecuba laments that she should have been left alive when Astyanax and 
Polyxena were murdered : 

Sola mors, votum meum, 

Infantibus violenta, virginibus venis, 

Ubicunque properas, saeva: me solam times. (Troades, 1171 sqq.) 


276 The Ethical System of the ' Inferno ' 

would well illustrate that humility with which Dante is seldom credited 
deep and beautiful as it is because, while he parades his pride, he 
does not parade his humility. 

As we stand at the close of this long investigation, the question may 
well arise whether the whole of the Inferno was really composed with 
the scheme in view which is expanded in the eleventh Canto. There 
is much to suggest that in the earlier Cantos the design had been 
drawn to a smaller scale. In ten Cantos we have traversed six out of 
the nine circles of Hell, and (apart from the Heathen and the Heretic) 
we seem to be following quite simply the succession of the well known 
seven Capital Vices. It looks as if this earlier portion of the Poem 
had been ultimately set in a larger framework for which it was not 
originally designed. 

If this were so, we should suppose that when the Poet determined 
to amplify the later parts of the Inferno and found it convenient to 
desert the simple method of treating successively the seven Capital 
Vices, his mind had already conceived the grandiose architecture and 
elaborated the number scheme that now dominates the whole Poem ; 
and that he found in the Aristotelian three-fold division of ' reprehen- 
sible actions ' a scheme that would admit the part of his now deserted 
plan that he had already executed, and yet would give him the larger 
canvas that he required for the new one. The symmetry of the 
3 + 1 + 3 = 7 was indeed to some extent irretrievably compromised, but 
the most essential element in it might yet be preserved, by dividing 
Fraud into two degrees and getting a4 + l + 2 = 7. The rest of the 
scheme would fit in reasonably well. 

That something like this must have happened, and is the reason 
why the ethical and topographical features of the Inferno never seem 
to justify themselves by any such self-evident consistency as marks the 
Purgatorio and the Paradiso, is apparent from other considerations. 
The contrast has often been remarked between the simplicity, the swift- 
ness, and the comparative absence of topographical precision 1 that 
characterise the Cantos that tell of the Poet's progress through the 
earlier circles of Hell, and the unexpected expansion, the harder tone, 
and the rigidly defined topography that we find further on. Such 
considerations have given more credit than it would otherwise have 
received to the well authenticated tradition preserved by Boccaccio that 

1 The symmetrical diagrams of the journey of poets through Hell that are current in 
most of the editions and diagrams are unauthorised by the text in many of their details 
so far as the early circles are concerned, and depend for their general character upon a 
note in Inf. xiv, 126 which may well be an afterthought of Dante's. 


Dante had written the first seven Cantos before his exile, and resumed 
the work afterwards on recovering his manuscript. 

But on the other hand the De Vulgari Eloquentia, which was certainly 
written after Dante's exile, admits no art forms in Italian verse except 
the Canzone, the Ballata, and the Sonetto. All else is ' illegitimate and 
irregular.' It can hardly be supposed that when Dante wrote thus he 
had already composed seven Cantos of the Inferno in Italian. And 
again, I hope to shew elsewhere that Virgil and Beatrice could not 
have taken the places they already occupy in the first two Cantos of 
the Inferno until the author's set of mind revealed in the Convivio had 
yielded to that of the De Monarchia. Whatever earlier material was 
incorporated in the Comedy, its organism, of which the second and part 
of the first Cantos of the Inferno are an essential constituent; can 
scarcely have been articulated before the fall of Henry, in 1313. 

Would not all the difficulties disappear if we might suppose that 
the pre-exilian manuscript was not written in Italian, but was the 
Latin poem which, according to Boccaccio, Dante began but afterwards 
abandoned in favour of Italian ? If Dante had carried his Latin hexa- 
meters so far as to cover in a few hundred lines the first four of the 
Capital Vices, and on receiving his lost, work again had thrown it into 
the Italian form, he might, perhaps years afterwards, have incorporated 
it in the wider scheme of which the first two Cantos of the Comedy as 
we now have it are the prologue. The lines that Boccaccio gives as th$ 
opening of the Latin poem quite lend themselves to such a hypothesis ; 
but its highly speculative character forbids its being urged as any more 
than a tentative suggestion, though it is one that naturally arises out 
of a study of the ' Ethical system of the Inferno' and may fitly close it. 


I have thought it best to develop the positive exposition of Inf. XI 
on its own lines, with the minimum of controversial reference to 
divergent views. But a brief examination of some of the points on 
which, in my opinion, mistakes have been made, may naturally follow 
as a supplement. 

The contention already noticed that the three-fold Aristotelian 
division of incontinenza, bestialitade and malizia is not intended to 
apply in its integrity to the main divisions of the Inferno, but is 
introduced merely with reference to Dante's perplexity as to four of 
the circles of the Upper Hell, seems to rest on the assumption that 
there is a closer and more easily recognisable correspondence between 

278 The Ethical System of the 'Inferno ' 

the Incontinent of Aristotle's scheme and the denizens of circles n 
IV of the Inferno than there is between Aristotle's @Tjpia)Sew and the 
violent* of circle vn or between Aristotle's Ka/cia and the frodolenti 
of circles VI II and IX, so that, when Virgil gives at full length the three 
Aristotelian categories of misconduct, Dante might naturally understand 
that two of them had nothing to do with the matter in hand but were 
only introduced because they happened to be in the context. 

But the fact is that the correspendence between the Incontinent 
of Aristotle's Ethics and the Incontinent of Dante's Hell is far from 
complete. Aristotle carefully distinguishes between the ' incontinent ' 
man who tries to control his unregulated appetites (because he knows 
that their indulgence is reprehensible) but sometimes fails, and the 
' dissolute ' man who has no scruples and who deliberately indulges his 
feeblest inclinations. Semiramis, according to this doctrine, would have 
been an ideal representative of Dissoluteness as distinct from Inconti- 
nence ; and it must be confessed that the inclusion of such as her in 
the same circle with Dido and Francesca, or of Filippo Argenti in 
another circle of Incontinence rather than in circle VII, greatly 
weakens the application to Dante's Hell of Aristotle's plea for the 
comparatively venial character of Incontinence. 

Again, Aristotle is very careful to limit incontinence, properly so 
called, to the sphere of the senses of taste and touch (with some further 
distinctions). Thus none but those unchaste or gluttonous offenders, 
who yield under the assault of strong temptation and are always sorry 
afterwards, should, according to Aristotle, be regarded as ' incontinent ' 
in the proper sense. One hardly conceives of Ciacco's case as covered 
by this definition. 

In a secondary sense, Aristotle allows us to speak of incontinence 
in the love of gain or of distinction, or in the matter of temper, but 
then we ought to add an expressly qualifying word to indicate this 
restricted use of the term. Yet more, Aristotle takes elaborate pains 
to shew that incontinence is less blameworthy in the matter of temper 
than in that of the appetites, because inter alia it is unpleasant to be 
angry, so that a man is not likely to court ill temper for the sake of 
indulging it ; and also because, at the moment, an angry man generally 
thinks that he does well to be angry and may believe himself to be 
obeying the orders of reason, though, in reality, like a hasty servant, 
he has rushed to execute the order before he has rightly heard what 
it is. But all these points, so elaborately developed by Aristotle, are 
ignored or contradicted in the Inferno. Anger comes lower down than 


sins of the appetites, no room at all is found for incontinence in pursuit 
of distinction, and no difference is recognised between incontinence 
proper and dissoluteness. 

The case of dripiorys is closely similar. Dante seizes the main idea 
and develops it in accordance with his own ethical principles. He em- 
phasises the un-natural and particularly the un-human character of this 
class of sins, and so includes suicide, usury and (for the sake perhaps of 
symmetry) the mad assault which the habitual gambler makes upon his 
own property ; and he drops out morbid timidity, which Aristotle (also 
perhaps for symmetry) includes among the exorbitant passions. But 
he adheres to the most striking examples, and he preserves the main 
conception in its integrity. 

Incidentally he finds in the Ciceronian vis, understood in the Aris- 
totelian sense, a term preferable in this connection to the Aristotelian 
bestialitas, inasmuch as this latter word had a considerable range of 
varied application in the Latin and Italian of Dante (vid. infr. p. 280), 
whereas violentus exactly defines the ' unnatural ' character that is the 
special note of O^pioTTj^ and of circle vn. 

In dealing with incontinence Dante simplified Aristotle (if indeed 
he was giving any direct thought to him when he wrote of the early 
circles). In dealing with forza = bestialitas he systematised him. But, 
so far from there being a closer correspondence in the former than in 
the latter case, it seems truer to say that a careful examination will 
raise more than a suspicion that, while the Aristotelian division sug- 
gested Dante's treatment of later classes of sin and dominates it 
throughout, it was imposed upon the earlier portion of the poem post 
factum, though not without success. 

And, if Dante's (or rather Cicero's, as understood by Dante) violenti 
are a preciser and in some respects a better equivalent to Aristotle's 
0rjpid)8i$, something similar may be said, in a lesser degree, of f rode 
with respect to xa/cLa ; for in truth, when Aristotle says (Eth. Nic. VII, 1) 
that /ca/cia is the opposite of apertj, he gives it, by implication, a wider 
signification than he wishes it to bear, and he somewhat blurs the 
distinction between it and d/cpao-ia, whereas the Ciceronian fraus brings 
out very well the heinousness of turning the intelligence, which is the 
proper glory of man, to purposes of shame, and marks off such conduct 
quite clearly from mere incontinence. 

Another divergent interpretation of the relation between Virgil's 
first discourse and his Aristotelian citation consists in equating Fraud 
with bestialitas and Violence with malitia, instead of vice versa. This 

280 The Ethical System of the 'Inferno ' 

obviously mistaken conception apparently rests on no better foundation 
than the order in which inalitia and bestialitade happen to appear in 
Inf. xi, 32 ff. and Eth. NIC. vn, 1,1, and it would hardly have been 
necessary to mention it were it not that it has found hospitality in a once 
popular Italian edition that may still fall into the hands of a beginner. 

And, lastly, there is a striking passage in the Convivio which im- 
presses itself with singular vividness on the memory of the reader and 
has given rise to a vain but persistently recurrent attempt to identify 
the bestiales, not with the Violent, but with the Heretics of circle vn. 
The passage, which occurs in the ninth chapter of the second Book, 
should be read in its entirety; but the phrase with which we are 
immediately concerned runs as follows : ' Per proponimento dico, che 
intra tutte le bestialitadi quella e stoltissima, vilissima e dannosissima 
chi crede, dopo questa vita, altra vita non essere.' And since it so 
happens that the Epicureans, the only class of Heretics with whom 
Dante holds special converse in the sixth circle of Hell, were parti- 
cularly identified with this supreme ' bestialitade,' many readers have 
fallen, and will probably continue to fall, into the temptation of making 
an isolated identification of the bestiales with the Heretics, though it is 
impossible to incorporate it into any organic system of interpretation 
whatever. The truth is that bestialitas and its Italian equivalent are 
used by Dante and the Schoolmen in a wide variety of meanings. 

The underlying idea, when precise, is always the absence of some- 
thing specifically human. Thus, since legal or sacramental marriage is a 
specifically human institution, Bonaventura declares that all unchastity 
is bestialis, and it is exactly in this sense that Dante himself uses the 
word in a much-worried passage in the twenty-sixth Canto of the Pur- 
gatorio. Now since Reason is generally regarded by medieval writers 
as the one supreme characteristic of Man, the popular use of bestialitade 
for 'stupidity' or 'folly' always like the French betise, expressing serious 
irritation was really a strictly scientific term. And it is in this sense 
that Dante himself uses the word, not only in the passage under con- 
sideration but in Convivio IV, xiv, 107, where, with reference to a 
peculiarly exasperating and inane argument to which he supposes his 
adversary might possibly descend, he exclaims 'risponder si vorrebbe non 
colle parole ma col coltello a tanta bestialita.' It is clear that in the 
passage about the immortality of the soul the word is used in this 
general sense of ' stupidity/ and that there is no intention whatever of 
giving Epicurean misbelievers such a monopoly of it that, under all circum- 
stances and in every context, it is to be regarded as their hall-mark. 



WHAT Romanticism meant in Spain is a question which has yet to 
be answered. Certain features there are in it with which everyone is 
familiar, whether because they are common to other countries, or for the 
opposite reason that they are strikingly peculiar to Spain. But the 
relative importance of each of these elements, and the proportion which 
each may claim in the total product of the Romantics, it will be the 
principal task of the future historian of Spanish Romanticism to deter- 
mine. This task will be all the harder because the Spanish movement 
reached its climax late, was partially obscured by those foreign influences 
which in another sense enlightened it, and was led by men who had not 
always that clear purpose which may provoke enmity but dispels mis- 
understanding. The intention of this article is to set out some of the 
leading conceptions and misconceptions of Spanish Romanticism held 
by the leading writers of its formative period and by the contributors 
during this period to the leading periodicals of Spain. 

The period which we shall cover may be taken as the first third of 
the nineteenth century, or, more exactly, down to the year 1835. The 
last-named date will generally be recognised as marking the point (as 
nearly as any one date can do so) at which the national Spanish type of 
Romanticism was formed. ( In the spring of this year appeared Rivas' 
Don Alvaro, which, much more truly than Macias or the Conjuration 
de Venecia, was the typical Romantic drama. It was in this year that 
Eugenio de Ochoa did battle for Don Alvaro, styling it a 'terrible 
personification del siglo xix 1 / and opposing to classicism, which to him 
was ' testarudo, intolerante, atrabiliario 2 / a very definite conception of 
the contrary ideal. Finally he could write in the summer of 1835 : ' Ya 
es evidente que el romanticismo, bueno o malo, existe ; y no es poco 
haber logrado tamano triunfo 3 .' 


Let us first consider the conceptions of some typical Romantically- 
minded writers during this formative period of the movement. We shall 

1 In the Artista, VolA, p. 177. 2 Ibid., Vol. i, p. 36. 

3 Ibid., Vol. n, p. 47, and cf. Vol. in, p. 1 (1836), where he describes the triumph in 
greater detail. 

282 Some Spanish conceptions of Romanticism 

not expect at first to find these conceptions very clear ones. The whole 
controversy between Bohl von Faber and Jose Joaquin de Mora 1 reveals, 
as we shall see, a very one-sided idea of the ' cuestion suscitada acerca 
del merito o demerito de los au tores dramaticos, clasicos y romancescos V 
of which so much mention is made. And this is natural enough. Political 
upheavals had disturbed the course of literature ; the various foreign 
influences were contending for the mastery in Spain ; and the precise 
relation between the nascent ideals of Romanticism and that timid 
reformation which had sprung up at the end of the preceding century 
was not at all easy for the writer of 1810 to 1820 to determine. 

The first important document to be considered under this head is 
the Europeo. In this journal of which I have already given a short 
account elsewhere 3 we find so much material that it is not hard to 
evaluate the editors' conception of Romanticism a conception not 
typically Spanish indeed, but one which must have influenced Spanish 
thought very considerably in the decade of pre-Romanticisrn which 
ended with the chefs-d'oeuvre of Martinez de la Rosa, Rivas, Gutierrez 
and Hartzenbusch. 

Monteggia's threefold test of the ' essence o Romanticism ' (Oct. 25, 
1823) maybe summarised as follows: I. Style: \Quoting from the Genie 
du Christianisme, he shews how the mysteries of the Christian religion 
succeeded Greek mythology as material for the poet's imagination to 
work upon. ) The Northern bards, the Druids and the chivalrous Moors 
further inspired the troubadour with themes which ousted those of 
antiquity^ Slavish adherence to classical legend is one of the signs of 
the anti- Romantic of all ages ; though the true classic is no slavish 
imitator 4 . Summing up : the chief mark of Romantic style is 'un colorido 
sencillo, melanco'lico, sentimental, que mas interesa el ammo que la 
fantasia 5 .' The examples given are Manzoni's Conte di Carmagnola, 
Schiller's Maria Stuart, Atala, Rene, The Corsair and Childe Harold.- 
Finally the writer notes the tendency of the Romantics (notably in 
Byron's Manfred) to exaggerations of this 'melancholy' style. II. Argu- 

1 See Camille Pitollet, La querelle calderonienne de J. N. Bohl von Faber et J. J. de 
Mora, Paris, Alcan, 1909. 

2 Diario Mercantil de Cadiz, August 12, 1818, Vol. n, No. 741. A question which has 
an important bearing on the subject of this article, namely the use during this period of 
the words romanesco, romancesco and ronidntico, I am compelled for lack of space to post- 
pone for separate treatment. 

3 Modern Language Revieiv, Oct. 1920, pp. 375 ff., in conjunction with which this article 
should be read as no quotations are repeated in full. 

4 Cf. Giovanni Berchet's Lettera semiseria di Crisostomo. ' 

5 Cf. Visconti in Nos. 23-8 of the Conciliatore for 1818. Herfi, in an exposition of Idee 
elementari sulla poesia romantica, he attacks equally with classical mythology the paladins, 
fairies, magicians, etc., of the Ariosto type of epic. 


ment : ( Romanticism prefers the mediaeval to the ancient theme (e.g. 
Crusades, Discovery of the New World, Revolutions of modern ages), 
declaring that the classical subject lends itself only to conventional 
treatment. ^The classical hero has to be endowed with modern sentiments 
if he is to be made real ; and this transformation has often been effected 
by the great Romantics (e.g. by Shakespeare, in Julius Caesar) working 
by ' nature and the human heart.' III. Execution ( The Romantic lyric 
is freer in its technique ; the instrument is suited to the theme instead 
of being subjected to arbitrary 'rules?\ In the drama the differences are 
even greater: the Classicists rigorously observe the unities, while the 
Romantics 'only recognise the unity ofjiiterest 1 .' A detailed discussion 
of the unities follows. IV. The article ends rather abruptly by a counsel 
to the reader to study the works of ' Schloegel, Sismondi, Manzoni, y de 
lo_que han dejado escrito sobre este particular los redactores del Con- 
ciliatore de Milan- en Lombardia.' The writer was of course an Italian. 

On Nov. 22, 1823, L6pez Soler contributes an article entitled 
' Examen sobre el caracter superficial de nuestro siglo.' We are a de- 
cadent nation (is its trend) ; we have lost all respect for religion ; we 
are content to rest upon our great achievements of the seventeenth 
century ; and in literature we are imitators, not authors, with the sterile 
qualities of erudition in place of the fertile gifts of genius. 

The article 'Analisis -de la cuestion agitada entre romanticos y 
clasicistas ' which Lopez Soler writes in the following number does not 
fulfil the expectations which this jeremiad arouses. Its aim is to 'con- 
ciliate ' the rival literary schools, and it is written ' in no party spirit.' 
The. three great external influences upon all poetry arex^l) Religion, 
(2) Nature, (3) local conditions and customs. Each of these has con- 
tributed towards the making of Romanticism. As to the first the heroes \ 
of Christianity compared with those of Homer are by their nature more \ 
inclined to the type of the Romantic hero 2 , and in other ways thei 
Christian religion has moulded the Romantic author. As to Nature, it* 
is noteworthy that in the countries where Romanticism was born she 
wears a gloomier and more melancholy dress, while the customs of those 
same countries also favour the modern genre. Contrast the wars of the 

1 ' Lo que en los antiguos era un atraso (dicen los romanticos) ha servido de regla a los 
ciegos imitadores de todo lo que proviene de ellos. Consecuencia de este error son las 
inverosimilitudes...que mas choc(an) al publico que el no mudar de escenas.' 'Los roman- 
ticos no reconocen mas que una sola unidad que es la de interes. ' The writer was perhaps 
influenced by Visconti's Dialogo intorno alle unita di tempo e di luogo nelle opere dram- 
matiche, which was published in the Conciliatore for 1819. 

2 ' Menos entusiastas y mas recogidos, menos brillantes y mas melancblicos, mas 
pundonorosos y menos ligeros.' 

284 Some Spanish conceptions of Romanticism 

Romans with the struggles of Christians and Mahometans, the fierce 
brilliance of the Olympic games with the jousts of the Middle Ages, 
with their incentives to valour and honour alike ! 

Thus far Ldpez Soler evidently conceives of Romanticism as a natural 
outcome of advancing civilisation, as one of the developments of modern 
life. In the conclusion of his article (Dec. 6, 1823) he presents it as an 
ideal of equal beauty with that of Classicism, but as an alternative and 
nothing more. (There is good (and bad) in the practice of Classicism 
and Romanticism alike. Why then should the partisans of the one 
attack the other as they do ? } 

Deduciremos de aqui que los romanticos ban debido escribir con el orden y estilo 
que les repreenden los clasicos, pero que estos no han de advertir en su sistema 
niuguna injuria al autor de la Odisea, pues cuando nuevas causas piden un nuevo 
estilo esto no supone que se haya destruido el antiguo sino que la literatura se ha 
enriquecido con un nuevo genero. 

The contributions of these two writers to Spanish Romanticism are 
in the sum not large. It is evident that they conceive of Romanticism 
more as a matter of content than as one of form ; this alone puts them 
back into the period of pre-Romanticism as judged by standards of Italy 
or France. To take their ideas separately, Monteggia, though he offers 
many parallels with Berchet, Di Breme and Manzoni, seems free from 
many specifically Italian influences : there is, for instance, none of that 
strongly moral and patriotic feeling in his work which characterises 
Italian even more than Spanish Romanticism 1 , and none of the Italian 
emphasis of art in Romantic literature. If occasional phrases (like that 
from Visconti cited above 2 ) seem to indicate Italian influence, Monteggia 
in general rather suggests the theories of Mme de Stael and A. W. 
Schlegel with the superposition of the emotionalism of Chateaubriand 
and Byron. 

L6pez Soler is, at this stage, less advanced than his colleague, and 
suggests A. W. Schlegel even more strongly. Particularly is this so in 
his idea of a possible ' conciliation ' between the two ideals 3 . It will be 
remembered how A. W. Schlegel, in his lecture on the English and 
Spanish dramas, suggests that, with regard to Shakespeare and Calderon, 
their merits should not be considered 'rather from a national than a 
general point of view/ and adds : ' But here a reconciling criticism must 

1 Cf. for example Manzoni 's Lettera al marchese d'Azeglio (Sept. 20, 1823), Torti's 
Sermoni sulla Poesia (1818), etc. 

a And again the idea of America as a ' Komantic ' theme, which Visconti, unlike most 
Bomanticists of his day, expresses. 

3 Which was an idea not unknown in Italy also. Cf. Eomagnosi in No. 3 of the Con- 
ciliatore, who invents the word ilichiastico to express the attitude of those who rejected 
the terms 'classic' and 'romantic' and declared themselves 'men of their age.' 


step in ; and this, perhaps, may be best exercised by a German, who is 
free from the national peculiarities of either Englishmen or Spaniards, 
yet by inclination friendly to both, and prevented by no jealousy from 
acknowledging the greatness which has been earlier exhibited in other 
countries than his own 1 / The rdle of Schlegel's unbiassed German L6pez 
Soler seems here to be giving himself, but his ' vermittelnde Kritik ' 
unfortunately fails to reach the root of the matter. If it had done this, 
instead of merely asking for ' some of each/ his work would have been 
better worthy of our attention 2 . 

Duran's well-known Discurso (1828) 3 was, as its editor said, 'el 
verdadero precursor del romanticismo ; abrio paso al renacimiento de 
la forma y del gusto genuinamente espanoles/ And it deserves this title 
principally because, for Duran, Spanish Romanticism meant nothing less 
than a return to the Golden Age. ' To avoid circumlocutions,' as he says, 
he will describe early Spanish drama as 'romantico' from the beginning. 
And the ideal of this drama, which is now being re-created by Schiller, 
Byron, Scott and others with ' mas verdad y filosofia, pero acaso menos 
belleza y cultura ' is a presentation which shall be neither abstract nor 
theoretical, but as it truly was, or is, in life 4 . Classic literature on the 
other hand regards man solely after his external actions. ' Sus virtudes 
y vicios se consideran en abstracto, prescindiendo siempre del sujeto a 
quien se aplican; por lo cual el protagonista de ellas carece de toda 

1 Vorlesungen ilber dramatische Kunst und Literatur, Black's translation, p. 341. The 
original reads : Konnte man einen Lands- und Zeitgenossen und verstandigen Bewunderer 
des Shakspeare, und einen andern des Calderon wieder auferwecken, und sie mit den 
Werken des ihnen fremden Dichters bekannt machen, so wiirden beide, mehr von einem 
nationalen als allgemeinen Gesichtspunkte ausgehend, ohne Zweifel sich nur mit Miihe 
hinein versetzen, und viel dagegen einzuwenden haben. Hier muss nun die vermittelnde 
Kritik eintreten, die vielleicht von einem Deutschen am besten ausgeiibt werden kann, der 
weder in englischer noch in spanischer Nationalitat befangen, aber einer wie der andern 
durch Neigung befreundet ist, und durch keine Eifersucht gehindert wird, das Grosse, was 
friiher im Auslande geleistet worden, anzuerkennen. ' The critic adds in a footnote, with 
respect to his ' vermittelnde Kritik,' that the term was first used by Herr Adam Miiller in 
his Vorlesungen uber deutsche Wissenschaft und Literatur, but that the idea of reconciling 
differences in taste, (um) ' aller achten Poesie und Kunst die gehorige Anerkennung zu 
verschaffen,' is very much older than Miiller. 

2 It may be added that Lopez Soler's conception of Eomanticism as a ' new genre ' 
reminds one of the ideas in Di Breme's Discorso intorno air ingiustizia di alcuni giudizt 
letterari, Milan, 1816. 

3 Its full title is : Discurso sobre el inftujo que ha tenido la critica moderna en la 
decadencia del teatro antiguo espanol, y sobre el modo con que debe ser considerado para 
juzgar convenientemente de su merito peculiar. It was published in Madrid in the year 1828, 
but is here quoted as reprinted in Vol. n of Memorias de la Academia Espanola. 

4 Ed. cit., pp. 312-13. 'Tampoco el poeta romantico suele proponerse pintar un siglo 
o una nacion entera, presentando un protagonista, ideal o historico, al cual atribuye y 
reviste, no de un vicio o una virtud aislada, sino de todas aquellas pasiones, habitos y 
costumbres que pueden caracterizar la epoca o naci6n que trata de retratar.' He promises 
a further discourse which shall shew the progress so far made by Eomanticism in the 
nineteenth century. 

286 Some Spanish conceptions of Romanticism 

individualidad que le caracterice y distinga esencialmente de los demas 
hombres dominados de cierta y determinada pasion 1 .' The works of the 
classic writer have a ' fin moral, fijo y determinado,' which aim with the 
Romantic, whose object is the presentation of individual characters, takes 
quite a secondary place. 

I" Classic drama proceeds from the ' religious and social system of the 
ancient Greeks and Romans,' Romantic drama from the ' chivalric cus- 
toms of the Middle Ages ; from its traditions, whether historical or 
legendary ; and from the spiritual side of Christianity 2 .' \ 

VThe freedom which Romanticism claims is a consequence of this. It 
is because of the lofty, often the religious themes of the Romantic poet, 
and because he paints from tHe life, that he evolves * sublimities of 
thought and audacities of metaphor,' which, together with the require- 
ments of his characterisation, make it impossible for him to accept such 
rules as those of the Unities. Not only does he throw off the fetters of 
restricted time and place, but he uses as many modes of expression as 
he finds in life itself 3 . 

This view of Romanticism as essentially the mediseval, Christian 
(ideal, individualistic and natural, desiring freedom of art to carry out its 
aims without hindrance/ is not unlike Monteggia's, up to this point. 
Where Duran acquires/ a distinctive importance is, of course, in his 
identification of this ideal with the drama of the Golden Age, and (as 
shewn by his other work) with the romances of Old Spain. His concern 
is primarily with Spanish Romanticism. There is not a word of Victor 
Hugo, and very few words about France, in the entire Discurso. Its 
author assumes that the Spanish Romantic Movement will be genuinely 

The Boletin de Comercio, which was published from 1832 to 1834, 
is not primarily literary, and professes at its commencement to have 
purely practical aims. But as it proceeds it becomes more definitely of 
literary value ; articles by Breton, Gil y Zarate and Estebanez Caldertfn 
appear ; and the unsigned contributions are of a kind which justifies 

1 Ed. cit., p. 313. 

2 Ibid., p. 314. 

3 Ibid., pp. 315-16 : ' For esta causa, y para conservar la verosimilitud propia del 
genero, el poeta presta a los interlocutores el lenguaje adecuado a las circunstancias, 
caracter y situacion de cada uno, valiendose a veces de esta diversidad de tonos para formar 
el contraste entre la idealidad poetica y la verdad prosaica. De aqui precede que los modos 
de expresion tragico, lirico, bucolico, satirico, y c6mico se hallan admitidos y amalgamados 
en el drama romantico.' A note (d), p. 328, adds : 'La metafisica de las pasiones y los 
monologos largos son por esta causa indispensables al genero romantico, pues sin ellos no 
podrian ni retratarse los sentimientos intimos del alma y de la conciencia, ni graduarse la 
marcha imperceptible de los movimientos que a cada paso modifican al hombre indi- 


their quotation as serious criticisms 1 . There is, from our present stand- 
point, but one article of the first importance in the Boletin, namely that 
on the present state and the prospects of Spanish literature 2 . This 
article (unsigned) has four main theses, the indication of which will be 
sufficient description of its contents : 

1. It laments the present servile state of Spanish literature. 

Es una verdad harto dolorosa, y que en vano tratariamos de ocultar con un mal 
entendido orgullo : no marchamos en las producciones del entendimiento al nivel de 
las demas naciones ilustradas de Europa. Lo mas que hacemos es trasplantar a 
veces lo que otras producen ; pero en cuanto a originalidad, nuestro ingenio no da 
hace ya tiempo sino escasos y debiles destellos. 

2. The ' new movement,' which arose at the end of the eighteenth 
century, was unhappily led by authors in love with French tradition, 
and nothing of the first class was being produced when the French 
invasion put a stop to all literary activities. (This seems fairly evident, 
but the important point is that the writer has a more clearly defined 
idea of the work of the school in question than many writers of his day.) 

3. There is a great future and it is in the hands of the young 
patriotic writers of Spain. 

En medio de (las disensiones) se ha formado una juventud que arde en vivisimos 
deseos de ser util a su patria. For todas paries pululan ingenios que anhelan 
lanzarse a la carrera, anunciando talentos no vulgares. Acaso en ningiin tiempo ha 
ofrecido Espana tal multitud de jovenes atletas que se presentan en la liza, no solo 
con ardor, sino con armas poderosas : pues todos ellos prueban que se hallan 
formados en excelente esouela. [What school does he mean ?] Dentro de alguuos aiios 
es de esperar que si encuentran libre campo para ejercer sus talentos, brillara la 
aurora de una nueva epoca gloriosa para nuestra literatura. El movimiento esta 
dado : s61o falta que continue. 

4. But this new school will be different from the last : the spirit of 
revolt is now abroad. 

De veinte anos a esta parte el influjo de las revoluciones que han agitado a los 
imperios se ha comunicado tambien a la literatura. Los preceptos aristotelicos...han 
sufrido embates poderosos que ponen en peligro su existencia. Novadores atrevidos 
se han lanzado al palenque, y han desbaratado el santuario donde aquellos principios 
se guardaban en respetuosa veneracion. Hase vuelto a entronizar el imperio de la 
imaginaci6n, y he aqui que se presentan de nuevo con la frente erguida y laureada 
los escritores audaces que en Espaiia, Inglaterra y Alemania no reconocieron nunca 
las trabas del clasicismo. Los mismos Franceses... se rebelan ahora, y son los mas 
ardientes en destruir el edificio de sus antiguas leyes literarias. 

It seems not unfair to say that this article, with its contempt for 

1 For further description see Le Gentil, Les Revues litteraires de I'Espagne, Hachette, 
1909, pp. 40-2. 

2 Vol. i, No. 25. (Feb. 8, 1833.) Other articles of importance for a general study of 
Eomanticism are : Vision literaria (No. 36) ; Sobre la literatura y las artes de la edad media 
(No. 51) ; El Tiempo (No. 95); Los libros de la edad media (No. 129); and a large number 
of reviews and minor notices. 

288 Some Spanish conceptions of Romanticism 

French classicism and for classicism in general 1 ^ conceives Spanish Roman- 
ticism to be a living force, intimately associated with patriotism, and 
taking the best elements of the French revolutionary school, then in 
its prime, without imitating particular authors or particular phases of 
the Romantic movement. This is also characteristic of the far-sighted 
views of Larra. Praising Martinez de la Rosa's poetry 2 , he foresees that 
the day of Gessner and Melendez is, for the time being, past, and that 
Byron and Lamartine hold sway. The new ' golden age ' of Spain is to 
come, he tells us so late as May 1834 3 ; it has not arrived yet. 

Busquemos en Espana desgraciados y oprimidos j pero literates ? ... Si bien luce 
algim ingenio todavfa de cuando en cuando, nuestra literatura sin embargo no es 
mas que un gran brasero apagado, entre cuyas cenizas brilla ami palida y oscilante 
tal cual chispa rezagada. Nuestro siglo de oro ha pasado ya, y nuesbro siglo xix no 
ha llegado todavia 3 . 

In an almost contemporaneous article he describes the new pheno- 
menon of Romanticism ' el drama romantico, nuevo, original, cosa 
nunca hecha ni oida, cometa que aparece por primera vez en el sistema 
literario con su cola y sus colas de sangre y de mortandad, el unico 
verdadero,' and speaks of it as a discovery hidden from every age and 
reserved for the ' Colones del siglo xix.' He then attempts 'in one word' 
to define the ' discovery ' of Romantic drama. ' En una palabra,' he says, 
it is ' la naturaleza en las tablas, la luz, la verdad, la libertad en literatura, 
el derecho del hombre reconocido, la ley sin ley 4 .' 


Here, then, we have some representative constructive conceptions ; 
let us turn now to the opponents of Romanticism, and to those who, 
while belonging definitely to neither side, were pleased to throw 
occasional stones at the innovators and to ridicule their exaggerations 
without standing up squarely to do battle against their principles. We 
shall see at once that these critics had no such broad and comprehensive 

1 As appears very clearly fiom passages not quoted in the above summary. Thus : ' Los 
franceses...vieron que no podian tener literatura si no la fundaban en la exacta proporcion 
y belleza de las formas, en lo escogido de los pensamientos, y en el exquisite gusto que 
dirigio siempre a los grandes maestros de la antigiiedad.' ' Su lengua [i.e. la lengua 
francesa] no podia producir aquellos sonidos halagiienos que habian seducido los oidos de 
los espanoles.' Ho passim. 

2 In the Revista espailola, 1833, p. 836: 'La tendencia del siglo es otra...Buscamos 
mas bien en el dia la importante y profunda inspiracion de Lamartine, y hasta la descon- 
soladora filosofia de Byron que la ligera y fugitiva impresi6n de Anacreonte.' He attributes 
the preference, however, to the decadence of his times. 

3 In the Revista espaiiola, 1834, p. 484 : ' En poesia,' he adds, ' estamos aun a la altura 
de los arroyuelos murmuradores, de la t6rtola triste, de la palomita de Filis, de Batilo y 
Menalcas, de las delicias de la vida pastoril, del caramillo y del recental, de la leche y del 
miel, y otras fantasmagorias por este estilo.' 

4 In the Revista Espaiiola, March 1835, p. 34, article entitled Una primera representation. 


idea of the movement as the writers mentioned above. And, further, 
we may say at once that they fastened in the main on two points, from 
which they rarely departed : (1) the impatience of the Romantics with 
restrictions like those of the Unities an attitude which they were 
pleased to interpret as meaning opposition to all rules and an ideal of 
complete lawlessness ; and (2) the exaggerations of modern Romanticists, 
mainly those of England and France. 

As an extreme and an early example of the kind of opposition 
which the new movement encountered, we may profitably quote from 
the three periodicals which between 1814 and 1820 formed the battle- 
ground of Bohl von Faber and Mora. These are the Mer curio Gaditano 1 
(1814); the Gronica cientifica y literaria de Madrid (1817-20); and 
the more robust Diario mercantil de Cddiz, which may be consulted 
continuously during the whole period of the controversy. 

To the Gronica Romanticism is no fit subject for serious con- 
sideration : 

Hoy dfa las ideas sobre la literatura ban sufrido extranas mudanzas y aberra- 
ciones. Hemos querido sacudir el yugo de las tradiciones literarias, suplir con la 
inspiration del genio la falta de disciplina, y las vaporosidades Ossianicas ban osado 
usurpar el'trono del cantor de Aquiles 2 . 

Its innovations are 'vaporosas irregularidades 3 '; its exponents sup full 
of horrors, their heroes being ' asesinos, salteadores, brujas, magos, cor- 
sarios, diablos y hasta vampiros 4 '; its literary productions are described 
as the 'irruptions of our modern vandals 5 / These phrases are little 
more than repetitions of the polemic of the Mercurio (' la moda de 
desacreditar las reglas eternas del gusto, y de sacudir el yugo de los 
preceptos 6 '; 'este ge"nero es menester que sea detestable 7 ' etc.), and 
the whole controversy in the Diario mercantil de Cadiz turns upon the 
double question of irregularities and exaggerations 8 . 

It is easier to understand the emphasis laid on these aspects of the 
movement in 1818 or even later, after Victor Hugo's quotation of 
Lope de Vega in the Preface de Cromwell 9 than the extraordinary 

1 A continuation of tbe more accessible Redactor General de Cddiz. Jt is to be found in 
the Biblioteca Provincial of Cadiz, but I bave searched without any success for it elsewhere. 
Only five months are included in the one volume published, which ends at No. 158 without 

3 Gronica etc., No. 11 (May 6, 1817). 3 Ibid., No. 126. 

4 Ibid., No. 275. Ibid., No. 306. 
6 Mercurio Gaditano, No. 127 (Sept. 22, 1814). 7 i^id., No. 127. 

8 It is unnecessary to labour this point since M. Pitollet's study of the controversy, 
reconstructed from the original documents and mentioned above,. is readily available. 

9 'Quando he de escrivir una comedia, 

Encierro los preceptos con seis Haves.' 

(Quoted in Preface de Cromwell.) 

M. L. R. XVI. 1 9 

290 Some Spanish conceptions of Romanticism 

judgment on Duran's Discurso which a critic contributed to the Correo 
Literario y Mercantil 1 : 

El resultado de todo es que lo que el senor Duran parece entender por genero 
romantico no es otra cosa que la mezcla de la tragedia y de la comedia, sin sujeccion 
a otras reglas que las que a cada autor indique su voluntad o su fantasia... un drama 
segiin esta doctrina puede sin estorbo contener la vida de un hombre, la historia de 
una familia y aun los anales de una nacidn entera... tales y tan insostenibles para- 
dojas hacen poco honor a la ilustracion del critico y a nuestra misma literatura. 

The words in italics became the text for many succeeding diatribes ; 
the double accusation represented the bulk of hostile criticism ;^and we 
have Martinez de la Rosa writing his preface to the Poesias of 1833 
with both of them in mind. He declaims against the extremists (as 
much of the Classical as of the Romantic school, it is true), and, when 
he comes to discuss the theories of the combatants, we find that his 
whole preoccupation is the question of freedom as against submission 
to rules, which last he deems essential j 

No quisiera sin embargo desaprovechar la ocasidn, que ahora se me viene a las 
manos, de decir en breves palabras mi sentir y dictamen respecto de las dos sectas 
enemigas, que tan cruda guerra tieiien trabada en el campo de la literatura : apre- 
surandome a advertir de antemano que como todo partido extreme me ha parecido 
siempre intolerante, poco conforme a la razon, y contrario al bien mismo que se 
propone, tal vez de esta causa provenga que me siento poco inclinado a alistarme 
en las banderas de los cldsicos o de los romdnticos. . . . 


I Que acontecerd probablemente, si por el ansia de seguir una senda distinta, se 
corre a ciegas sin concierto ni gufa, y se desprecian como inutiles trabas los consejos 
de la raz6n y del buen gusto ? Que a fuerza de mofarse de la supersticiosa obser- 
vancia de las reglas, se sacudird todo freno ; y que siguiendo el curso natural de 
toda secta, ya sea religiosa, ya politica, o bien literaria, los primeros caudillos 
echardn por tierra los antiguos fdolos ; y sus discipulos y secuaces, llevados del 
anhelo de la novedad, sobrepujaran la licencia y extravfos de sus propios maestros 
(Poesias, pp. ii-iv). 

Of the identification of Romanticism with lawlessness in literature, 
one of the best known reviews of the time will furnish us with a striking 
example. The Gartas Espanolas, unwilling to range itself on the side 
of either the Classic or Romantic party, was nevertheless keenly alive 
to the importance of the struggle, and it opened its columns freely to 
the disputants. To two of these we owe a series of letters which takes 
up the all-important question of ' What is Romanticism ? ' The first of 
the writers (' El literato rancio ') contributes two letters to Vol. iv (1832, 
pp. 197-201, 373-6), in the earlier of which he affects to respond to 
the editor's desire 'que le diga mi parecer acerca de la gran contienda 
que divide ahora el mundo literario, esto es acerca de los dos partidos 

1 1828, p. 72. 

8 The review was founded and edited by Jos Maria de Carnerero (1831-2). For its 
general characteristics see Le Gentil, op. cit., pp. 26 ff. 


de clasicos y romanticos.' The great difficulty (he continues) in dis- 
cussing the matter, is to decide what exactly is meant by each of these 
terms : he will therefore discuss the various opinions current, confining 
his remarks chiefly to drama because this is the principal field- of the 
combatants. The rest of this first article deals with the question of 
precept in literature. The Classicists' defence of it, and the Roman- 
ticists' plea for liberty in art, are in turn set forth. ' Solo cuando se ve 
libre,' are the words attributed to the Romantic, ' puede remontarse a 
la altura de que es capaz : solo entonces mostrarse grande, sublime y 
admirable cuanto cabe.' The writer then directly contradicts this with 
the object of shewing 'que para acertar se necesitan reglas.' Without 
denying that inspiration is necessary to the artist 1 , he follows familiar 
lines which we need not pursue in detail. Nothing good is ever achieved 
without labour ; mere facility degrades any art ; restraint, on the con- 
trary, stimulates the artist ; the greatest masterpieces in literary history 
are 'regular' and so on. The author concludes his first letter by 
abusing the ' delirio calenturiento de los romanticos ' and fearing that 
they are about to ' inundate ' the country with ' obras Mas, extra va- 
gantes y cuya lectura es insufrible.' 

The second letter by the 'Literate rancio' (iv, pp. 373-6) deals with 
the assertion of ' some Romantics ' who declare that they do not stand 
for mere lawlessness. The writer asks then: (1) '^Es cierto que tiene 
el genero romantico sus reglas conocidas ?' (2) 'Aun dado caso que las 
tenga, i puede ser su objeto diferente del que se han propuesto siempre 
los clasicos en sus escritos ? ' 

Both questions he announces that he will negative. What are these 
Romantic precepts ? he asks. ' Ninguna veo ; a no ser que se tenga 
por regla la carencia total de todas ellas.' We have never seen them 
enunciated, and from their works we can deduce no precept but that 
of abandonment of oneself to imagination : time and place, language, 
thoughts, sentiments all may be whatever ' an author likes to make 
them. As for the aim of the Romantics, it is the aim of all art the 
imitation of Nature. But the Romantics would follow the 'illicit' 
method of portraying all they see, regardless of ' offending our senses ' 
and our reason. ' Complacer a la razon, lisonjear los sentidos, tales son 
las condiciones con que ha de cumplir toda obra de ingenio/ This is 
the dogma by the aid of which the writer defends the 'naturalness' 

1 'Es cierto que en las producciones sujetas a las reglas hay multitud de frias, insipidas 
y soporiferas; pero ^es esto efecto de las mismas reglas o de la falta de ingenio en los 
autores?' (p. 200). 


292 Some Spanish conceptions of Romanticism 

of the Classics, and condemns the temerity of the Romantics. And if, 
he concludes, it is asserted that these ' modern reformers of literature ' 
rise at times to heights of sublimity, he can only point to these heights 
and term them fantastic, exaggerated and nonsensical. 

So much then for this writer, whose conception of Romanticism may 
be summed up as (a) complete lawlessness, (b) the representation of 
life as it is. In the next volume of Cartas Espanolas (v, 81-6), however, 
a writer signing himself ' El consabido ' contributes a letter, in which he 
entirely denies that this lawlessness is Romanticism at all, and, main- 
taining that true Romanticism is that of Schiller and Schlegel, defends 
it valiantly. He refers the reader for a definition of the word in dispute 
to the Discurso of Augustin Duran already quoted, adding a note upon 
its derivation. 

Los criticos alemanes modernos (he concludes in the footnote) aplicaron el 
nombre de Romdntico o Romancesco a todo genero de composici6n que tomaba sus 
pensamientos y formas en los escritos donde se halla la nueva marcha que tomd 
la poesfa, la fe y las costumbres en los siglos medios. Asi, pues, analizada la 
cuestion etimo!6gica, venimos a parar en que la palabra Romance indico primero 
en cada pafs respective una lengua, despues cierta clase de escritos de recreo y 
ficci6n poetica, y ultimamente la voz Romantico o Romancesco expresa el genero 
de literatura y poesfa que tiene su base en el modo de existir y pensar politico y 
religioso de la media edad o siglos caballerescos. 

There we have an entirely different conception, and this is made 
the basis of a defence which we may briefly outline. The author upholds 
the Romantic interpretation of the ' unity of interest ' as against the 
narrow interpretation of the Classic schools. He points out that the 
' drama romantico ' is an entirely new genero, ' la expresitfn dramatica 
de la historia y de la novela, pintura de la vida del hombre como la 
concibieron las nuevas sociedades con toda la extension y meacla de 
vicisitudes que acompanan la cornpleta existencia individual.' /Lastly > 
he puts some trenchant questions to those who see nothing but law- 
lessness in the Romantic ideal : Is poetry always to be bound by laws 
invented by the Greeks ? Are the 'rules' of Classicism all essential and 
universal ? If so, why do Ariosto, Calderon and Shakespeare still delight 
the world ? What is the reason for the success of the ' Epopeya ro- 
manesoa y el Drama romantico que tanto se apartan de las expresadas 
reglasy' Declamation against 'bad taste,' he says, will not answer these 
questions at all. 

1 The attack is carried out on the most reactionary plan. ' Cual es la naturaleza de los 
romanticos ? La que a veces no se puede ver sin astio y repugnancia. Desfigurar la idea 
que tenemos de un heroe presentandole en los actos en que forzosamente ha de ser igual al 
comun de los hombres ; pintar las pasiones hasta en sus excesos mas torpes ; of ender la 
delicadeza con dichos que si bien suelen oirse, debieran quedar sumidos en el m&s prof undo 
silencio,' etc. 


At the same time the absurdities of foreign Romanticism were 
responsible for an element of satire which, prevalent principally in 
dilettante circles, gradually widened, until it was merged in something 
like a serious and general protest against the exaggerations of 
Romanticism in France. 

In the Gorreo de las Damas, a fashionable weekly dealing only 
secondarily with literary topics, we find (April 10, 1834) an amusing 
skit (signed M. G.) which illustrates the first stage of this criticism 
of the Romantics. We are in Genoa with 'our hero ' a Parisian youth 
known (significantly) as Adolfo. He is a promising legal student, but 
one day a copy of Victor Hugo falls into his hands. He reads the book 
and it captivates him. He goes on to read Darlincourt and ' Valter 
Scoot,' forgets his studies and turns into a Romantic hero. ' Su imagi- 
nacidn se exalta, sus facciones se alteran, y su traje exterior sufre una 
gran variacidn; el Hernani de Victor Hugo es su heroe, se propone 
imitarle al menos en su larga barba y gran perilla y su objeto es buscar 
una j oven que sienta y le haga sentir las pasiones vivas de su heroe.' 
It, is only after prolonged travels in Italy, where ' the women have a 
charming air of sadness and melancholy/ that he sees the lady of his 
dreams : ' un rostro divino, con negros ojos, y cubierto de una extra - 
ordinaria palidez.' Finally, however, the 'angelic creature' falls short of his 
expectations and he goes back to France, quite cured of his romantismo 1 . 

The same magazine gives us an unsigned sonnet entitled ' El 
Romantico 2 ,' and a verse skit on the Romantic poet called ' Lecciones 
de Poesia Romantica 3 .' Its 'criticism' of the Romantic novel, 'un tejido 
interminable de acontecimientos horrorosos aglomerados uno sobre otro 
con la mayor confusion posible 4 ,' and its derision of Sir Walter Scott 
and his admirers 5 , are entirely discounted by the flippant spirit in 

1 It is instructive to compare with this skit on the ' Eomantic hero ' Eugenio de Ochoa's 
ideal of Eomanticism expressed in the Artista of 1835 (Vol. i, p. 36) : ' Contemple sin ceno 
nuestro romantico ; mire en su frente arida por el estudio y la meditacifin ; en su grave 
y melancolica fisonomia, donde brilla la llama del genio.... Contemple, decimos, no un 
hereje, ni un Antecristo, sino un joven cuya alma, llena de brillantes ilusiones, quisiera 
ver reproducidas en nuestro siglo las santas creencias, las virtudes, la poesia de los tiempos 
caballerescos ; cuya imaginacion se entusiasma, mas que con las haz&nas de los griegos; 
con las proezas de los antiguos espanoles ; que prefiere Jimena a Dido, el Cid a Eneas, 
Calderon a Voltaire y Cervantes a Boileau, para quien las cristianas catedrales encierran 
mas poesia que los templos del paganismo ; para quien los hombres del siglo xix no son 
menos capaces de sentir pasiones que los del tiempo de Arist6teles.' In the same number 
is an engraving purporting to represent a typical Eomantic. (See also Azorin, Rivas y 
Larra, p. 65.) 

2 Vol. m (1835), p. 272. 3 Vol. m, p. 167. 4 Vol. n, pp. 3 ff. 
6 Ibid.: ' Vaya, donde hay una novela de Walter- Scott calle todo el mundo. Verdad es 

que las hay muy pesadas, muy mon6tonas y que nada dicen bueno ni nuevo; pero el 
nombre del autor las recomienda y esto basta y basta de tal modo que he visto yo mismo 
en una tertulia elogiar mucho El Invanhoe (sic) a quien me constaba que no lo habia leido.' 

Some Spanish conceptions of Romanticism 

which the article which contains both is begun. ' Unless we occasionally 
write about something important/ is the gist of the opening paragraph, 
* it will be said that we are empty vessels. So while I was reflecting 
about a subject, the idea of the modern novel came into my mind' ! 

It is but a step from this to the very interesting preliminary notice 
of Don Alvaro which describes the forthcoming masterpiece as 'roman- 
ticamente romantico 1 / apparently because of its numerous characters, 
its changes of scene and its varieties of metre. 

We have now some idea of the qualities associated with pure and 
with exaggerated Romanticism by the fashionable public of 1834-5. 
When the public of such a non-scholarly journal was masculine instead 
of feminine, the same tendencies are more strongly marked, and for 
irony and satire we have abuse. The Estrella of 1833-4 a weekly, 
principally political but partly literary is particularly violent. In two 
articles, one on Romanticism in' general (a leader) 2 and the other on 
contemporary French literature (under the heading 'Varieties') 3 , a 
writer 4 who leaves his work unsigned, deplores the 'point of degradation' 
to which French literature has sunk in the past twelve years. 'Without 
any doubt Romanticism is largely to blame that is to say, the rebellion 
against all principles and laws which experience and the study of anti- 
quity have dictated in matters of literary composition 5 .' We suspect that 
the inspiration of this definition is rather gallophobia than anti-Roman- 
ticism until we read that, though the Romantics in their ' monstrous 
literature,' ' give way to the caprices of their infirm imagination/ Scribe 
and his comrades in drama are exempted from the general curse, and 
Chateaubriand is mentioned with less venom 6 . Then it becomes clear 
that the foe is Liberalism, and perhaps no more roundly conservative 
judgment could well be found in a Spanish critic than a phrase which 
seems to sum up the author's position : ' Para nosotros, es cldsico todo 
lo bueno/ 

1 Vol. in, p. 87 : ' Segiin la corta idea que tenemos de su argumento no hay duda en 
que serd romanticamente romantico. Los personajes son muchos, los lugares de la escena 
varies, los ge"neros distintos de metros en que esti escrito, tantos acaso como pueden salir 
de la acreditada pluma del Sr. Duque. Pronosticamos desde luego que esta produccion 
causara grande efecto, y sabemos que igual pron6stico ban hecho oraculos mas fidedignos 
que nosotros.' 

2 Op. eft., No. 56 (Jan. 25, 1834). ' Del Eomanticismo.' 

3 Op. cif., No. 52. ' Sobre el estado de la literatura en Francia.' 

4 For it is surely impossible that tivo such writers could be found ! 

6 ' Sin duda tiene gran parte de culpa en esto el romanticismo, es decir, la rebelion 
ominosa contra todos los principios y leyes que han dictado la experiencia y el estudio de la 
antigiiedad en materia de composiciones literarias.' The italics in the translation are mine. 

6 The works of these dramatists ' tienen entre otras el me'rito de no poder ser infestadas 
por el nuevo estilo y lenguaje romantioos adoptados por los franceses; parodia chavacana 
e inoportuna de Chateaubriand.' 


By 1835 the idea of Romanticism as 'lawlessness' has reached such 
a point that it is enshrined in a single sentence as a commonplace 
definition. /Se ataca,' we read in the Revista Espanola of Apr. 12, 1835, 
'Se ataca el romanticismo o la regla de amentia de reglas que asi se 
llama y las faltas que mas se critican en la pieza son faltas no de 
inadvertencia sino cometidas a sabiendas y con la firme creencia de que 
no son faltas ' (italics mine). 


And what, in conclusion, were representative views of the foremost 
Romantics themselves at this time ? To Alcala Galiano, as in 1833 he 
penned the preface to Rivas' Mcro Expdsito, Romantic drama meant on 
the one hand disregard of the unities, and on the other the admixture 
of tragic and comic, the use of mediaeval sources, the modern, the 
Christian, and especially the chivalric colouring which we find in that 
romance 1 . If he would not dub the Moro Exposito 'romantic,' it could 
have been but from a fear of the name 2 . He certainly knew his Preface 
de Cromwell. 

So we have c C. A.' (Campo Alange ?), that zealous defender of the 
new school, in the Artista, shewing how the attitude of Romanticism 
towards the ' rules ' has been misinterpreted and expounding its con- 
structive principles almost in the words of Victor Hugo 3 , and Eugenio 
de Ochoa turning the tables on the typical abusive Classicist, ' esencial- 
mente intolerante, testarudo y atrabiliario 4 .' It would be, in fact, to the 
Artista that one would naturally turn for a comprehensive idea of what 
Romanticism meant in 1835, not to one man, but to a group of con- 
tributors so distinguished that, if the names of Ochoa, Espronceda, 

1 He is speaking of the older Romantic Spanish drama but, as the next note shews, he 
conceives the new movement as a return to the old: Torque no observa las unidades, 
con poca raz6n creidas reglas fundamentales de los dramas griegos; porque no rehusa 
mezclar trozos de estilo c6mico y festive con otros en tono tragico o elevado ; porque a 
veces trata asuntos de las edades medias, y siempre da a los argumentos griegos y romanos, 
y hasta a los mitologicos, cierto color moderno y caballeresco, bien hay raz6n para darle 
el nombre de romdntica y para considerarla como sujeta a las condiciones del actual 
romanticismo.' ^ 

2 ' No ha pretendido hacerlo cldsico ni romdntico' says Alcala Galiano of Rivas, ' divisiones 
arbitrarias en cuya existencia no cree.' But he gives as aims of the author: 'Ha elegido 
un asunto de la historia de Espana y de los siglos medios....Ha adoptado una versificacion 
rara o ninguna vez usada en obras largas....Ha procurado dar a su composicion el colorido 
que le conviene....Ha mezclado...las burlas con las veras...paginas de estilo elevado con 
otras en estilo llano, imagenes triviales con otras nobles, y pinturas de la vida real con otras 
ideales.' That is to say, he has done exactly what the dramatists did who (by Galiano's 
own account) were Romantics in the modern sense of the term. The inference is obvious. 

3 Artista, Vol. i, 1835, pp. 52-5, 67-71. 

4 Ibid., pp. 36 ff.: 'Un romantico,' from which the passage cited on p. 293 (note), is a 
quotation which supplies the constructive complement to this attack. 

296 Some Spanish conceptions of Romanticism 

Zorrilla, Pastor Diaz, Trueba y Cosio, Pacheco and Ventura de la Vega 
are cited as examples, the selection is almost at random. Articles like 
those of ' C. A.' and Ochoa ; Romantic tales introducing the mediaeval, 
the Oriental and the grotesque ; reviews of foreign masterpieces ; trans- 
lations from Byron, Dumas and Hugo ; romances and prose narratives in 
a similar style ; resuscitations of forgotten authors, each contributes 
its quota to the many-sided conception of Romanticism which had at 
last found its way into Spain. \ 



ALTHOUGH we possess several studies of the influence of Schiller's 
Robbers on English literature 1 , there exists as yet no trustworthy account 
of the English translations from which this influence proceeded 2 . This 
paper aims at remedying in some measure this defect. 

The first notice of The Robbers having reached England was a much- 
quoted critical review by Henry Mackenzie (the famous author of the 
Man of Feeling) in a paper entitled ' Account of the German Theatre,' 
which he read before the Royal Society of Edinburgh on 21 April, 
1788. Mackenzie, who knew no German, based his account on a French 
version by Friedel and De Bonneville which had appeared but shortly 
before in their collection of German plays, Le Theatre Allemand, and was 
based on the stage version. In spite of these two serious drawbacks, 
Les Voleurs made a great impression on Mackenzie, who was attracted 
especially by the sublimity of the sentiment and the eloquence of the 
language 3 . His enthusiasm was sufficiently strong, in any case, to com- 
municate itself to his audience, and soon afterwards a class was formed 
in Edinburgh, which included Walter Scott and a rising yoiing lawyer, 
A. F. Tytler, with the definite object of studying the works of this newly 
discovered German literature. 

The first fruits of these studies was the translation of The Robbers 
which appeared four years after Mackenzie's paper by the said Alexander 
Fraser Tytler, who was later to obtain fame both as a judge and an 
historian as Lord Woodhouselee. In 1792 he published The Robbers, 
A Tragedy translated from the German of Frederick Schiller, London, 

1 Cf. especially Margaret W. Cooke, Schiller's Robbers in England, in Modern Language 
Review, 1915, vol. xi, pp. 156 ff. 

2 Thomas Kea, Schiller's Dramas and Poems in England, London^ 1906, in his all too 
cursory account of the English translations of The Robbers is both incomplete and inac- 
curate. He dismisses each in a few words, without any attempt to bring evidence for the 
blame he metes out so lavishly. Indeed, his judgment on The Robbers loses much of its 
force when we find him (p. 15) criticising William Taylor of Norwich adversely for making 
Karl Moor deliver himself up to a ' poor officer,' which, of course, he does in the stage version ! 
Cf. the reviews by F. W. C. Lieder in Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 1909, 
vm, p. 267; by A. Leitzmann in Euphorion, 1910, xvn, p. 705 ; and by Koster in Deutsche 
Literaturzeitung, Sept. 29, 1906. Kea's chapter on The Robbers had appeared previously in 
Studien zur vergleichenden Literaturgeschichte, 1905 (Erganzungsheft : Schiller), pp. 162 ff. 

3 Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 1790, vol. n, Part n, pp. 180 ff. The 
article was reprinted in several of the leading magazines of the day. 

298 Translations and Adaptations of Schiller s 'Robbers' 

Robinsons. A second edition appeared in 1795, a third in 1797 and a 
fourth in 1800 1 . The first three editions, as was the case with so many 
works of the day, also appeared in Dublin 2 ; the fourth, pirated, at Perth 
in 1800 s . 

The translation was prefaced by an 'Advertisement' concerning the 
' Author of the Tragedy, Mr. Schiller/ and a ' Preface by the Translator ' 
with a critical appreciation of ' this most extraordinary production,' very 
largely based on the above mentioned paper of Mackenzie's. From the 
second edition onwards the translation claims to have been ' corrected 
and improved.' A brief comparison of the texts bears out this statement, 
although the revision was neither very thorough nor complete 4 . It is 
noteworthy, however, that the information in the second edition con- 
cerning Schiller is much fuller : besides Fiesco and Cabal and Love, the 
translator now knows of the Ghost-Seer, ' written with the view of ex- 
posing to contempt and detestation the artifices of those impostors in 
Germany, who distinguished themselves, and their disciples, or dupes,, 
by the epithet of The Illuminated.' But in the fourth edition he is still 
uncertain whether Don Carlos ' is finished or not,' although in the third 
he had definitely stated that it was. The chief interest of the fourth over 
the previous editions (it bears on the title-page the assertion 'the original 
translation ') are two additions, one from the Publishers, warning the 
Reader against the pretended new translation of Render, who they aver 
(and rightly too, as we shall see) : 

servilely copied the work of another, in every paragraph, and in every line, (veiling 
his theft only by the thin disguise of transposing the order of the words, here and 
there exchanging one word for another synonymous, and often substituting nonsense 
for sense). 

The second addition is a Postscript from the Translator who has in the 
meanwhile been convinced by a careful perusal of Miss Hannah M ore's. 
Strictures on Female Education 5 that the German drama in general ' is 
hostile alike to the principles of Religion and Morality,' but would never- 
theless, with the usual fondness of parents for their erring child, except 
his Robbers from this general condemnation : 

1 All anonymous. The current opinion was apparently that the translation was executed 
by Mackenzie himself (so Taylor still in the Historic Survey, p. 173), but Carlyle in 1831 
(cf . his article in Fraser's Magazine, in, p. 135 note) knew that the translator was a ' Lord 
of Session in Edinburgh, otherwise not unknown in Literature.' Owing to the kindness of 
Mr A. E. Turner who placed his valuable library of Anglo-German translations at my dis- 
posal, I was able to obtain a first hand knowledge of these various texts. 

2 See the ' Advertisement from the Publishers ' in the fourth edition. 

3 Cf. Bohn, p. vii of the Preface to his translation. 

4 See below, p. 300, note 5. 

6 Strictures on the Modern System of Female Education, 2 vols., London, 1799. Cf. 
especially vol. i, pp. 39 ff . 


He wishes earnestly, therefore, that he had left undone what he has done : as 
that man would wish, who had given wine to his friend, who in the frenzy of intoxi- 
cation had committed murder. But still ; it is some alleviation of this unavailing 
regret, that he cannot, upon the strictest revision of this particular piece, and the 
most attentive consideration of its scope and tendency, judge it in any degree sub- 
versive either of Religion or of Morality.... \i the German Theatre had inculcated no 
lessons of morality more faulty, no pictures more corrupting than those of the Tragedy 
of the Robbers, its Translator should have no cause at this day to lament that any 
labour of his should have promoted the taste for its productions. 

As is evident from these numerous editions its success was very great 
and, to a large extent, deserved. It was reviewed at considerable length 
by two of the most important journals of the day. The article in The 
Monthly Review 1 consists mainly of copious quotations from the Preface 
and the play itself, and even reproduces several scenes in extenso. The 
critic, whoever he was, does not inspire great confidence : 

The reader will see, from the passages which we have extracted, that the poet 
possesses the means of exciting both our pity and our fears ; his tender scenes we 
always read with pleasure, but his scenes of terror are too horrible ; and his frequent 
and solemn appeals to the Almighty, his shocking imprecations, and the curses which, 
as commissioned from the Deity, he denounces, make us shudder with dread instead 
of inspiring us with awe. 

The Critical Review*, on the other hand, takes its task much more 
seriously. Not only are we treated with an historical sketch of the 
development of the German drama, but parallels, fairly obvious, it is true, 
are drawn with Shakespeare or Ossian, whilst in the appreciation of the 
characters, or in the discussion of the plot, our reviewer shows sound 
common sense : 

Terror, without doubt, is the most striking feature in this drama, but many 
scenes are exquisitely pathetic. To the defects of the performance we are not insensible. 
The scenes of horror are sometimes too diffuse, too sedulously laboured, and often so 
highly improbable, that our minds will not assent to the delusion. They revolt par- 
ticularly, at the idea of the amiable and noble-spirited Amelia falling in love with 
Charles, on the supposition of his being another person. That Francis rather than 
Amelia should discover him through his disguise... is highly incredible. It is still 
more improbable if we consider that she had not only been informed that Charles, 
long supposed to be dead, still lived and loved her, and that he himself had intimated 
to her who he really was, in the most obvious manner . \ 

The translation is not so carefully executed as we could have wished, and the 
tragedy deserved. It is not in general defective in spirit and energy, but too often so 
in elegance and purity of diction. 

Still another notice appeared in the Norwich revolutionary magazine 
The Cabinet* entitled Desultory Observations on The Robbers. The article 
was by William Taylor and was used later for the account in the Survey : 

It would not be doing justice to the translator, were we not to acknowledge the 
spirit he has displayed and the energy he has exerted ; some few inaccuracies may be 

1 Vol. ix, 1792, pp. 266-275. 

2 Vol. vi, 1792, pp. 209-217. 

3 By a Society of Gentlemen, 1795, vol. i, p. 153. Only three numbers of the magazine 
ever appeared. 

300 Translations and Adaptations of Schiller s 'Robbers' 

discovered, but too inconsiderable to be noticed. Let us hope, therefore, that the pro- 
duction of a Schiller will not be confined to the forests of Bohemia, if the translator 
of The Robbers be in existence. 

The above criticisms 1 , however, refer rather to the play by Schiller 
than to the translation by Tytler. A careful examination of the latter 
and a comparison with the source 2 reveal the following characteristics. 

The translation is certainly not free from mistakes 3 . Some are mere 
inaccuracies 4 , others are more serious 5 . Tytler is particularly unfortunate 
in his rendering of the stage directions 6 , which he occasionally leaves out 
altogether 7 , or he curtails them 8 , but at times introduces an expla- 
natory direction of his own 9 . Sometimes he is forced to admit himself 
beaten 10 , but as often as not omits without any such confession of failure 11 , 
or if he does not omit the whole passage, he shortens it very considerably 12 . 

1 The translation was noticed also in Germany by the Gothaische Gelehrte Zeitungen, 
Ausldndische Literatur, 1793, 1. Mai as follows : 'Die mildern sanftern Ziige des Originals 
finden allgemein Beyfall ; aber die Scenen des Schreckens, der Furcht, der Verzweifelung 
u.s.w. sind fur den Englander zu schauderhaf t. ' The Neue Bibliothek der Schonen Wissen- 
schaften und derfreyen Kilnste, Leipzig, 1793, 50. Band, 1. St., p. 358 quotes largely from 
Tytler's Introduction and describes the work as 'cine treue und schone Uebersetzung der 
Schillerschen Eduber.' Both reviews quoted by J. W. Braun, Schiller und Goethe im 
Urtheile ihrer Zeitgenossen, Leipzig, 1882, vol. i, pp. 382, 395. 

2 The edition used by Tytler was, so he tells us, that 'printed at Manheim, by C. F. 
Schwan and G. C. Goetz, 1786,' containing The Robbers, Fiesco and Cabal and Love in 
one volume. See 'Advertisement,' p. vi. Goedeke does not record such an edition either 
in the Grundriss, v, 163, or in the Werke, n, 207. Can 1786 be a mistake for 1788? 

3 I have counted no less than seventy-five instances, in which the translator comes 
more or less to grief. 

4 In the following a, 6, c, d stand respectively for the first, second, third and fourth 
edition. P. 86 the steeple : der Turm (i.e. der Pulverturm); p. 6 the spirit of fire : der 
feurige Geist (i.e. ardent spirit) ; p. 18 ungenerous : unmenschlich ; p. 197 handcuffed : 
Ketten schleifend. 

5 P. 3 live then for me! : so lebt wohl! (omitted b,c t d); p. 3 My son, you wish to spare 
this grey head : du ersparst mir die Kriicke (It is enough Stop there my son, &, c, d) ; 
p. 45 drinks of my heart's blood : mir zutrinkt; p. 49 by this man's right hand : bei dieser 
mannlichen Eechte; p. 92 wherever the main force is: fechten im Gedrange; p. 148 Can 
there be love beneath a garb like that ? : Liebt denn unter diesem Himmelsstricb jemand? ; 
p. 166 a murmuring noise, like those who groan in sleep : als hort ich ein Schnarchen; 
p. 218 with a woman's breath : beim Todesrocheln eines Weibes. 

6 P. 35 the rest keep silence for awhile and look at each other : Alle fahren auf ; p. 49 
walks aside dissatisfied : geht wiithend auf und nieder ; p. 73 coming back : zuriickrufend ; 
p. 81 quite breathless : in Athem. 

7 P. 73 hin und her taumelnd bis sie hinsinkt ; p. 74 wiitet wider sich selber. 

8 P. 75 he sinks down : voll Verzweiflung hin und her geworfpn im Sessel. 

9 P. 108 pointing to the sun. 

10 P. 3 he relegates the German to a. foot-note, and again, p. 170, he confesses: 'Das 
heifit, ein todter Hund liegt in meiner Vater Gruft.'' A dead dog lies in my father's tomb. 
An expression of which the Translator does not see the force and therefore has omitted it. 
(Amended, however, in 6, c, d to: 'but in my room they laid a dog within my father's 

11 P. 60 und in dem Eingeweid ihres Schiitzen wiiten; p. 97 und den traurenden Patrioten 
von seiner Thure stiefi; p. 112 traure mit mir Natur! ; p. 216 voriiber an all den Zauber- 
hunden meines Feindes Verhangnis. 

12 P. 95 Shall I cut his throat? : Soil ich hingehen, und diesem abgerichteten Schafer- 
hund die Gurgel zusammenschnuren, dafi ihm der rote Saft aus alien Schweifilochern 
sprudelt?; p. 105 like the hound of hell: gleich dem verzauberten Hunde, der auf unter- 
irdischen Goldkasten liegt. 


He paraphrases so freely that it is often impossible to tell whether he 
has understood or not 1 , whilst he now and again degenerates into mere 
wordiness 2 . There is noticeable in his style the tendency, so common in 
English, to use parallel expressions 3 . It is obvious that at times he is 
aiming less at literal correctness than at idiomatic English 4 ; his sense 
of style even leads him to make additions drawn from literary or Biblical 
reminiscences 5 . Nor, apparently, was he averse to the youthful exagge- 
rations of the ' Sturm und Drang,' and even outdoes Schiller in colloquial 
language 6 . But his native modesty induces him to water down still 
further the already much diluted stage version 7 . Finally it is noticeable 
that he has anglicised the German names as far as possible 8 . 

From the above exposition it is apparent that, though not by any 
means a perfect translation, Tytler's work is yet on the whole an adequate 
and literary rendering of the stage version by a man full of enthusiasm 
for his task. And its merits were recognised by all subsequent trans- 
lators, inasmuch as they one and all made copious use of Tytler's version 
when, indeed, they did not transcribe it word for word 9 . 

The next 'rendering 10 ' was by the Reverend William Render, 'teacher 
of German in the University of Cambridge 11 ,' who in 1799 published 

1 P. 96 Shall I cut down the fellow like a cabbage? : Soil ich diesen Kerl das oberst zu 
unterst unterm Firmament wie eine Kegel aufsetzen? 

2 P. 16 while his son, his noble son the paragon of all that's amiable, that's great 
wants the bare necessaries of life : wahrend sein grofier, herrlicher Sohn darbt; p. 98 you 
shall be purified in the waters of regeneration, the road of salvation shall be open to you, 
and every one of you shall get posts and places : und jedem unter euch soil der Weg zu 
einem Ehrenamt offen stehen. 

3 P. 51 surfeits himself and regorges his meal : iiberfrifit sich so gern (corrected in 6, c, d 
to : ' surfeits himself too soon and loathes his unfinished meal ') ; p. 87 the scum, the 
dregs : der Bodensatz. 

4 P. 8 nor shall there be in nature a tie so strong, a bond so sacred, as not to yield to 
that first of duties, the preservation, the comfort of that precious life : keine Pflicht ist mir 
so heilig. die ich nicht zu brechen bereit bin, wenn's um Euer kostbares Leben zu tun ist. 

5 P. 7 that stock, that wooden puppet, so frigid, so insensible : der kalte, trockne, holzerne 

Franz ; p. 47 I would fall down and worship him : Ich will ihn anbeten ; p. 55 God-a-mercy 
on my sins; p. 178 and pour the vials of his wrath. 

6 P. 29 the old hunks : den alten Filzen (corrected &, c, d to 'miser') ; p. 71 Impostor! 

Villain, base, hired, perfidious villain! : feiler, bestochener Betriiger ! ; p. 87 chucked him : 
warf's; p. 150 Young woman, that is false! : Du liigst Madchen! 

7 When he first came into life, when my arms sustained for the first time his infant 
limbs: da ihn die Wehmutter mir brachte; p. 87 babies in leading strings (&, c, d add: 
'mere bantlings') : Wickelkinder, die ihre Laken vergolden; p. 175 tj^ foul air : die faule 

t Luft meines Unrats. 

8 Count de Moor (leaves out 'regierender'); Switzer,Bazman,Kozmski,Herman,Francis, 
Charles. Cf., too, p. 216: was it not sweet, my Emily? 

9 It certainly did not deserve the harsh censure of Carlyle who, when he refers to Tytler's 
translation as ' one of the washiest ' (Fraser's Magazine, in, 1831, p. 135 note), was evidently 
animated by the same ungenerous spirit which failed to give to other workers in the field 
of German literature (i.e. William Taylor of Norwich or Charles de Voaux) their proper 

10 I disclaim all responsibility for this pun which is that of the Anti-Jacobin ! See p. 192 
of the 1799 reprint. 

11 Cf . the Dictionary of National Biography. 

302 Translations and Adaptations of Schiller s 'Robbers' 

The Robbers, a tragedy by Frederick Schiller, translated from the German, 
London, EL D. Symonds etc. William Render was a native of Germany 
who, after acting as travelling tutor to several English gentlemen, came 
to England about 1790 and made a living by teaching his native language 
in London, Cambridge, Oxford and Edinburgh. He had previously entered 
the Lutheran ministry. Render was the author of numerous translations 
from the German including Count Benyowsky, Don Carlos, Maria Stuart, 
The Armenian, The Sorrows of Werther and, in 1801, also published an 
account in two volumes of A Tour through Germany. 

That Render made use of Tytler's translation we know already from 
the protest of the latter's publishers. Their assertion is borne out by a 
close comparison of the texts which show a series of common mistakes 1 . 
But although his path had been thus made smooth for him, yet Render's 
performance is pedantic 2 and literal 3 , the work of a schoolmaster 4 , devoid 
of any merit, save of fidelity to the original, and, in spite of the trans- 
lator's official position, not free from occasional lapses 5 , whilst he has the 
usual fear of calling a spade a spade 6 . 

Another version was also published in that same year, 1799, by the 

1 Tytler p. 23 When taking me with him to that grove ; Kender p. 20 When he took me 
with him to that grove : da er mich mit sich in jene Laube nahm. Tytler p. 58 will soon 
give up his estates to him ; Kender p. 51 will very soon resign to him his estates : ihni bald 
die Herrschaft abtreten. Tytler p. 67, Bender p. 66 Dead! quite Dead! : Tot! alles tot! 
Tytler p. 131, Kender p. 118 of thy happy dependents : (der Abgott) deines Volkes. Tytler 
p. 188 He cut off one of his grey locks and threw it from him; Kender p. 168 He cut off one 
of his venerable silver locks, and threw it away from him away : er schnitt eine Locke von 
seinem silbernen Haupthaar, warf sie hin hin (i.e. into the scale of the balance). Other 
examples are quoted p. vi of the fourth edition of Tytler. 

2 P. 42 into an arm chair: im Sessel; p. 106 where Render makes the calculation that 
' dreifiig Meilen ' are more than 200 English miles ! 

3 P. 28 thou wouldst have chased the Turks through a button hole ! : du hattest die 
Tiirken durch ein Knopflochgejagt! ; p 31 His wits are whirling round like a wheel : Sein 
Verstand geht im Ring herum ; p. 128 Oh ! how these Beelzebubs refine ! : wie fein die 
Beelzebub raffinieren. On p. 100 he cannot even translate ' der verlorene Sohn ' by its 
proper Biblical term but writes ' the lost son! ' The foreigner betrays himself here. 

4 On p. 46 he has an explanatory note on 'Haar auf der Zunge,' which he translates: 
an insinuating rogue; on p. 49 on 'She gave thee a basket' (Sie gab dir einen Korb); 
p. 72 we have an historical note; p. 73 he takes care to tell us that 'Rappen' is a black 
horse; Bohn, in the Preface to his translation (see below) p. vii, terms Render's translation 
' a schoolboy performance ' ! 

6 P. 32 This must be fine news for us : Das miissen scheme Neuigkeiten seyn ; p. 33 Why 
just so much will carry thy mare to the stable : Und damit treibt deine Mahre zum Stalle; 
p. 73 by the fiery fork of Pluto : bei der Feueresse des Plutos; p. 89 Your crimes shall be 
pardoned till the day of retribution : so soil euch die Strafe euer Greuel bis auf das letzte 
Andenken erlassen sein (although Tytler has here the correct translation) ; p. 105 as if he 
sat on the ruins of Carthage : wie er safi auf den Ruinen von Karthago, where not only the 
meaning is wrongly given but the classical allusion entirely missed; p. 128 I fatten upon 
your infamy : Ich maste cure Schande ; p. 139 became faithful to the living : wird treulos 
dem Lebendigen (he misses the whole point of the passage !) ; p. 162 The angel of destruction 
attends us : Schweizers Wiirgengel kommt; p. 186 your premeditated curse : dein vermeinter 

6 P. 138 Away with thee, Love! : Fahr' in die Holle Liebe! ; p. 191 Takes off Amelia's 
handkerchief, and exposes her neck : und entblofit ihr den Busen. 


Margravine of Anspach 1 entitled The Robbers, A Tragedy in Five Acts. 
Translated and altered from the German as it was performed at Branden- 
burgh- House Theatre ; MDCCXC vu. With a Preface, Prologue and Epilogue, 
written by her Serene Highness, The Margravine of Anspach, London, 

The Margravine, who apparently enjoyed a literary reputation as the 
prototype of Lady Milford in Kabale und Liebe 2 , was a typical adven- 
turess of the eighteenth century, and one of the most beautiful women 
of the day. After an unhappy marriage with her first husband, Lord 
Craven, she separated from him and went abroad. In 1783 she settled 
at Versailles where her manner of life seems to have caused general 
scandal and incurred the disapproval of Marie Antoinette. Amongst her 
visitors was the Margrave of Anspach, the son of Frederick the Great's 
sister, Wilhelmine, whom she had already met in England. Eventually 
the Lady Craven agreed to follow the Margrave to Germany, where she 
soon succeeded in displacing his former mistress, a French actress. 
During the next four years she ruled both sovereign and people. Her 
chief pastime was the theatre at Triersdorf : she wrote plays of her own 
and formed a company of the nobility to play them. She enjoyed a 
kindlier fate, however, than her prototype, Lady Milford, for when both 
she and the Margrave were set free by the death of their respective 

1 Cf. H. Ley, Die liter arische Tatigkeit der Lady Craven, der letzten Markgrdfin von 
Anspach-Bayreuth, in Erlanger Beitrdge zur englischen Philologie, xvi, Erlangen, 1904. Ley's 
treatment of the Margravine's Eobbers is inadequate and incorrect. He knows nothing of 
Tytler and the fact that this version formed the groundwork of the above edition, and has 
apparently never read Schiller's stage version, or he would not (p. 33) blame the Margravine 
for causing Franz to fall alive into his brother's hands! A very painstaking and attractive 
book is that by A. M. Broadley and Lewis Melville, The Beautiful Lady Craven, London, 

2 The statement appears, on what foundations I do not know, in the Memoirs and Letters 
of the Eight Han. Sir Robert Morier, G.C.B. from 1826 to 1876, by his daughter Mrs Eosslyn 
Wemyss, London, 1911, vol. 11, p. 300. Sir Eobert Morier, who from 1872 was our charge" 
d'affaires in Munich, interested himself in a protracted law-suit brought by the heirs of the 
Margravine against the Bavarian government for some of the monies owing them from the 
purchase by Bavaria of the former Margraviate . 'The original heroine , ' writes Lady Wemyss , 
'had been the mistress of the Margrave of Bayreuth at the end of the eighteenth century, 
and had furnished the prototype for the heroine of Schiller's Kabale und Liebe.' At first 
sight this hypothesis appears very plausible, especially in consideration of the following 
extracts from the Margravine's Memoirs. Broadley and Melville, I.e. , ii,p. 33 : ' After we had 
quitted Berlin, we stayed at Bereith, which place the Margrave dislikedFl had been there be- 
fore with him to a great review of troops, and where he was for the purpose of being near Sept, 
a town on the Maine, in order to embark fifteen hundred men for Holland,' and again p. 75 : 
'The Margrave had dismissed M. Seckendorff, a Minister oi Finance but the cause of the 
dismissal of the Minister of Finance was, that when he was sent to England by the Mar- 
grave, to receive the money due to his troops which he had sent to America, he had converted 
a large sum of money to his own use instead of paying it into the coffers of the state.' Un- 
fortunately, the fact that Lady Craven did not arrive at Anspach as the Margrave's mistress 
until 1787, whilst Kabale und Liebe was completed already by July 1783, disposes definitely 
of this attractive hypothesis. But in those days of ' Maitressenwirtschaft ' Schiller can have 
had no lack of models. 

304 Translations and Adaptations of Schiller s 'Robbers' 

consorts, the Margrave in 1791 made her his lawful wife. Soon after- 
wards, mainly at her instigation, the Margrave disposed of his princi- 
pality to Prussia for a large sum, and settled down in Hammersmith at 
Brandenburgh House. The Court and the greater part of society declined 
to countenance the Margravine and she solaced herself with adapting 
and writing plays for her amateur theatre. She died in 1828 in Naples 
aged 77, having just failed to play a similar role with the king, 
Ferdinand IV, as she had done formerly with the ruler of Anspach ! 
She published The Robbers, so the Preface informs us, 

as it was performed at Brandenburgh House, in order that any persons who may 
have read the exact Translations of it from the German, may be enabled to judge of 
the ungenerous and false aspersions of Newspaper Writers, who have, by various 
paragraphs, insinuated that it was played there with all the Jacobinical Speeches 
that abound in the Original 1 . 

The actual adapter of the play was not, however, as is generally 
assumed, the Margravine herself, but her son the Honourable Keppel 
Craven, as appears quite clearly from the following inspired notice in 
the Morning Herald for June 4>, 1798 : 

We are authorised to say the account in one of the Morning papers of the 
theatricals at Brandenburgh House is not correct. The play of the ' Robbers,' was 
pruned of all the passages offensive to loyal minds by the Honourable Keppel Craven, 
the Margravine's youngest son ; and the only sentence left, relative to state affairs, 
is recommending, by Young Moor to his friends, the offering of their services to a 
king who wages war to vindicate the rights of humanity. We are likewise authorised 
to say, the above-mentioned young Nobleman had the sole management and direc- 
tion of the * Robbers,' which, being a tragedy, is a species of entertainment to which 
the Margravine has objections which were only conquered by the repeated requests 
of a beloved son, to whom she never refused any amusement, where his talent and 
mind could be employed. Her Highness let him cut and arrange it all himself, and 
only added the Epilogue, which we hope to lay before our readers, together with an 
accurate account of the theatricals. 

1 The comments of the leading journals of the day are instructive and amusing: The 
Morning Chronicle for Thursday, May 31, 1798, after giving a list of the dramatis personae, 
adds the following : ' The Democratic points of this heavy play were mostly cut out, but 
the tendency remains.' The Morning Post and Gazetteer for Friday, June 2, 1798 has the 
most unkindest cut of all : ' It would be difficult to account for the Margravine's passion for 
private theatricals if we did not recollect past events. If Countesses, Duchesses and Prin- 
cesses do not visit her highness at least she can enjoy their mimic company on the stage.' 
And again on June 11 : ' The Robbers attract a full house at the Brandenburgh theatre, but, 
terrified by the name, the audience think fit, before they go, to take care of their pockets.' 
An account reached the Journal des Luxus und der Moden, Weimar, October 1798, p. 576, 
quoted by Braun, I.e., n, p. 340: 'Die vormalige Lady Craven, jetzige Markgrafin von 
Anspach, gab den 1. und 7. Juny in ihrem Geschmackvollen Privattheater die Vorstellung 
der Rduber von Schiller, wobcy die bekannte englische Uebersetzung dieses Stiickes zum 
Grunde lag, die aber wie die offentlichen Nachrichten sagen, von der Markgrafin selbst 
betrachtlich vorher verbessert worden war Man spricht davon, dafi in diesem Sommer 
noch die Verschworung des Fiesko von Schiller auf eben diesem Theater aufgefiihrt werden 
solle. ' Hannah More also heard of the performance and could not forbear from the expression 
of her serious disapproval that ' persons of quality ' should act in such ' distorted and un- 
principled compositions which unite the taste of the Goths with the morals of Bagshot. ' 
See her Strictures, I.e., p. 40. 


This version differs from all the others inasmuch as it is not a trans- 
lation proper (it is doubtful whether Keppel Craven knew any German), 
but an adaptation of Tytler's rendering, ' die bekannte englische Uber- 
setzung 1 .' Mr Craven's 'pruning' was, indeed, most thorough and 
calculated to satisfy even the most conservative of newspapers. Not 
only does he leave out the 'Jacobinical' speeches of Karl Moor, but 
harmless phrases like 'Death or liberty!' (p. 52), or 'What a damn'd 
inequality in the lot of mankind!' (p. 17), and, of course, the tirade 
against peace. He is even more anxious than Tytler or Render to avoid 
offence to chaste ears; not only are the physiological disquisitions of 
Franz omitted or expurgated (he no longer threatens to make Amelia 
his mistress, ' wanton ' is changed to ' woman '), but Spiegelberg's argu- 
ments and sophistries are very much shortened. Mr Craven considers, 
apparently, that the relation by the ' Commissary ' of Moor's treatment 
of the ' Count of Empire ' is derogatory to the dignity of the nobility, 
and leaves it out. It would be wanting in respect to the head of the 
family unless the expression of Franz ' my good dotard ' were omitted. 
And naturally all oaths or allusions to sacred things are most rigorously 
excised 2 . The most radical change, however, was to make Amelia fly to 
a convent 3 . After driving Francis away at the point of the sword she 
gives vent to the following rant (p. 56) : 

Yes ! hear me heaven, and you blessed spirits that sit above : spirits of those 
who truly lov'd on earth, hear me ! This heart, like yours, was devoted to one mortal : 
He is dead ! and Heaven alone... Yes, Heaven and a future state, can that sad heart 
look up to... that has lost all joy on earth (kneels) Oh, Father of Mercies! that 
made this heart so passionate and faithful, have mercy on me!... Mercy! And, if 
I'm doomed to drag on yet on earth some years of misery, may this passion turn to 
real devotion... may my youth and sex plead my pardon! (rises up) This night, 
when all mankind are buried in sleep, I will fly this horrid castle ; and, in a convent, 
try to forget the name of Moor... myself! and learn... alas, alas, I have lived a 
martyr ! a convent, like a saint, I'll learn to die (exit in despair). 

As a consequence, there is a general jumble of the succeeding scenes 
which now teem with contradictions and abrupt transitions. We have 
first the scene from the fourth act between Herman and Francis, then 
the scene on the banks of the Danube, with the complete omission of 
the Kosinski episode; this marks the end of the thirA act. Act iv 
begins with the forest by moonlight, leaving out, then, all the episodes 

1 The expression of the Journal des Luxus und der Moden; see note, p. 304 above. It 
will be noticed, too, that the title-page only claims the Margravine's actual authorship for 
the Preface, Prologue and Epilogue. 

2 P. 9 where ' God ' is changed to ' Heaven forbid ! ' ; and the omission, p. 42, of ' Sodom 
and Gomorrah,' and 'Lot's wife' and 'that infernal psalm singing.' 

3 This course obviously suggested by the words of Franz and Amelia, Act in, Scene 2 ; 
and the stage direction of Act iv, Scene 1 : 'Ein Nonnengewand liegt auf dem Tisch.' 

M.L.R.XVI. 20 

306 Translations and Adaptations of Schiller s 'Robbers' 

with Amelia, who, having departed to a convent, naturally appears no 
more, and consequently cannot be killed by her lover's sword. The fifth 
act is, with this important alteration, the same as in Tytler. 

Occasionally Craven's alterations are improvements as, for instance, 
when he omits the melodramatic and most incredible episode of the 
writing on the sword, or the passage where Amelia tears off her jewels 
and tramples them under foot. In a general way, however, this adapta- 
tion is devoid of any literary value and can be of interest only to the 
literary historian for a chapter on ' Schiller in England.' 

Although not actually responsible, as we have seen, for The Robbers, 
the Margravine was so strongly impressed, that she was induced to 
write an adaptation entitled The Gauntlet, which was also produced on 
the stage of Brandenburgh House. Amongst the prominent. amateurs 
who appeared in the cast was the fencing-master, Henry Angelo, who 
has left us an amusing record of the performance in his Reminis- 
cences 1 . 

A more independent version was published by Benjamin Thompson 2 
in his German Theatre (1800-01). Intended for the law, Thompson 
during a stay in Germany became enamoured of Kotzebue, whose chief 
interpreter he was to be in England. The Stranger, which he sent over 
to Drury Lane, took the town by storm. After a further stay of some 
years in Germany, Thompson definitely renounced the law, returned to 
England, and eventually settled down to married life in Nottingham. 
He translated no less than twenty-one German plays, mainly by Kotzebue, 
but including Emilia Galotti, Stella, Don Carlos and The Robbers. 

Thompson was more enterprising than his predecessors and sought 
to enlist the cooperation of his German authors in his venture. On 
October 10, 1800, he addressed to Schiller, c/o Messrs Cotta, Tubingen, 
the copy of a letter 3 he had already sent to Kotzebue, in which he main- 
tains that he ' has not undertaken the German Theatre with a view to 
emolument, but actuated by a sincere veneration for the talents of several 
German authors.' And he continues : 

I hope you will not accuse me of vanity when I also state that it was my wish 
to rescue works, which do honour to Germany, from the mutilating gripe of needy 
and ignorant translators who have seized them and, with unblushing effrontery, have 
drawn down on the original writer that critical severity, which ought to have been 
exercised against themselves. 

He concludes with the request that they will send him a biographical 

1 The Reminiscences of Henry Angelo, with an introduction by Lord Howard de Walden 
and Notes and Memoir by H. Lavers Smith, London, 1904. Cf. vol. ir, p. 25. 

2 See the article on Thompson in the Dictionary of National Biography. 

3 Cf. L. Urlichs, Briefe an Schiller, Stuttgart, 1877, p. 392. 


sketch of themselves : ' such an account of yourself as you wish to appear.' 
But he also has an eye to business : 

If you could at the same time favour rne with the lives of any other dramatic 
writers I shall be most grateful for them.... Allow me to add that I very much wish 
to possess a good portrait of you. If you will favour me with one, I will provide pay- 
ment for it in Hamburg or London as is most agreeable to yourself. 

A postscript adds the laconic information : ' Your " Robbers " has 

The main interest of Thompson's Robbers is that, although founded 
primarily on the usual stage version, the translator also had before him 
the ' Schauspiel ' from which, on several occasions, he borrows a few lines 1 . 
Such arbitrary dealing is characteristic of this translation which has been 
revised and cut entirely for the exigencies of the stage. It is only on this 
assumption that the numerous omissions can be accounted for 2 . No doubt 
in some cases this may have seemed to him the easiest way of evading 
a difficulty 3 , for although Thompson probably knew German better than 
any of his predecessors 4 yet he is not infrequently inaccurate 5 and at times 
even blunders, though not very badly 6 . His renderings are occasionally 
so arbitrary that they successfully disguise a probable misunderstanding 7 . 
It cannot, of course, be expected that his style should equal the vigour 
of the original 8 , and it would have been all the better without some of 

1 E.g. pp. 6, 28, 71. The latter passage is entirely wanting in the ' Theaterausgabe ' but 
will be found in the 'Schauspiel' (Werke, n, p. 151, line 160): 'She is because she loves 
me. How if I were an assassin ? How if, for every kiss bestowed by her, I could recount a 
murder? Would not my Amelia, then, be unfortunate?' 

2 I have noticed some 44 instances of the omission of whole sentences or passages, the 
latter occasionally of considerable length. 

3 P. 8 dem lieben Gott von manchem lastigen Kostganger helfen ; p. 36 (eine Todes- 
fackel) die ihnen den Buckel braun und blau brennen soil; p. 63 Mich zu eurem Barnhauter 
zu verdingen um einen Schilling; p. 77 er war abgekartet, etc., etc. 

4 He knows, for instance, that 'Ich rieche den Braten' is ' I smell a rat.' 

5 P. 25 a love-sick girl : ein schwindsiichtiges Madchen ; p. 33 calls to him in a broken 
voice : zuriickruf end ; p. 61 that his features shall become the mirror of his conscience : dafi 
sein getroffenes Gewissen mitten durch die Larve erblassen soil ; p. 74 Be what thou wilt 
if I but take my soul : Bleibt mir nur dieses mein selbst getreu ; p. 85 from the bowels of 
the mountain : aus den Wettern des Berges. 

6 P. 2 I pity you sincerely : ich schone eurer ; p. 12 all contests are forbidden : alle Fehden 
bei Todesstrafe verboten ; p. 34 the dotard will survive the attack : meine ganze Kunst erliegt 
an dem Starrkopf (really refers to Amelia and not to Old Moor) ; p. 41 Bamn blue stockings, 
they have betrayed us : Der hollische Blaustrumpf mufi ihnen verkratscht haben. 

7 P. 37 was safe in the stone jug : liege tuchtig im Salz ; p. 44 let me split his skull, and 
manure the earth with his brains, if he has got any ! : Soil ich diesen Kerl das oberst zu 
unterst unterm Firmament wie eine Kegel aufsetzen?; p. 94 ask me no more questions : 
dein vermeynter Fluch. 

8 P. 13 Let him enjoy his hoards of wealth, while I enjoy my bottle : Er soil nur drauf 
los schaben und scharren, du wollest dir dafur die Gurgel absauffen ; p. 17 if you be not 
poltroons : Hasen, Kriippel, lahme Hunde seid ihr alle ; p. 21 Away from me instantly : Aus 
meinen Augen du mit dem Menschengesicht ; p. 82 follow me comrades: Schweizers Wiirg- 
engelkommt; p. 96 men of blood : Schiller des Henkers. 


308 Translations and Adaptations of Schiller s 'Robbers' 

the explanatory additions which render it rather diffuse 1 , but of all the 
early successors of Tytler, there is no doubt that he was the most suc- 
cessful and certainly the most accurate. Whether he knew and used 
Tytler's version cannot be definitely asserted, but the evidence available 
goes to prove that he did 2 . 

The scene which apparently most impressed English readers as an 
example of the 'material sublime 3 ' was the Dream of Francis. M. G. Lewis 
copied it in his Castle Spectre* and it was the scene chosen in illustration 
by W. Taylor for the Survey 5 . It was even quoted as an example of the 
sublime in a learned work on philology 6 , by the Reverend Walter Whiter, 
' a man fond of tongues 7 ,' who attempted an independent translation : 

In the Robbers of Schiller, the Dream of Francis exhibits the most solemn nar- 
rative that can well be presented to the feelings of an audience. It is the Day of 
Judgment in all its terrors from the mouth of guilt in the moment of delirium. 
' Methought ' (exclaims the Dreamer) ' 1 held a princely banquet, and all beat bliss 
about my heart ! and I laid me down in my Gardens of Pleasure, deep drunken with 
delights ; and suddenly ! suddenly ! a monstrous thunder struck on my astonished 
ear I staggered trembling up ; and behold ! methought I saw the whole Horizon 
out-flaming in a fiery blaze ; and Mountains and Cities and Woods all melting as wax 
before a furnace ; and a howling Wind-storm swept before it the Seas, the Heavens 
and the Earth. 

In the meanwhile, as the reader will already have gathered from the 
apology with which almost every translator prefaced his work, the German 
drama in general and The Robbers in particular, were becoming more and 

1 P. 39 what a cursed explosion did it make; p. 48 I admire your sentiments, Amelia; 
p. 60 Let me return to that dread station which Fate has appointed me to fill : Nein ich geh 
in mem Elend zuriick ; p. 91 The tortures of hell await thee as a son as a brother I for- 
give thee : Fahr in die Holle Rabensohn ! Ich vergebe dir Bruder. 

2 Tytler p. 40, Thompson p. 18 pestilence, famine and plague; Tytler p. 41, Thompson 
p. 19 with the sweet birds in concert around you... are the food of worms : woselbst die un- 
verniinftigen Vogel des Himmels herbeigelockt, ihr himmlisches Konzert musizieren...von 
Motten und Wurmern verzehrt worden. Tytler p. 117 a noble fellow for our troop : Thompson 
p. 54 A noble fellow for the band : Ein ganzer Mordbruder fiir unsere Bande. Tytler p. 117 
Here there's no game at bowls, no tennis play : Thompson p. 54 Here thou wilt find no 
tennis to amuse thee : Hier wirst du nicht Balle werfen oder Kegelkugeln schieben. 

3 Coleridge, Table Talk, Bonn's Standard Library, 1884, p. 15. 

4 See below p. 314, note 3. 

5 See below p. 309. 

6 The Etymologicon Magnum, Cambridge, 1800, Part I (the only one to appear), p. 402. 
My attention was drawn to this work by an anonymous publication entitled Nubilia in 
search of a husband, including sketches of Modern Society, London, 1809, a patent imitation 
of the Caelebs of Hannah More. Chapter xvm contains an instructive criticism of German 
authors of repute : cf . p. 406 seq., ' I think,' said Mr Carson, ' he never excelled the Robbers. 
From the first page of this work to the last, the reader's heart is chained to his pen, and 
moves at its command.' And the author goes on to praise the sublimity of the dream scene : 
' I will tell you where you may read this passage with little loss of its effect; in the Etymo- 
logicum Magnum of the Kev. Mr. Whiter of Cambridge, who has rendered it with an energy 
and force little inferior to the original. As for the other translations they have been per- 
formed by men who had no other qualifications for the task than a knowledge of the German 
language ; and not always that. ' 

7 Borrow introduced him into Lavengro" (Chapter xxiv). See Dictionary of National 


more unpopular in certain circles. It was considered not only subversive 
of all religion and morality but also, in view of the ever increasing bogey 
of French aggression, as dangerous politically. By some critics it was 
traced back to the machinations of those dark and mysterious plotters 
against order and society, the so-called ' Illuminati,' in which certain 
conservative sections of the community affected to believe 1 . The loose 
morality of some of Kotzebue's plays and of Goethe's Stella offered a fair 
target to the shafts of the moralists. The Robbers, by its very contents, 
seemed to encourage an attack on privileges and property and to emulate 
the worst excesses of the French Jacobins. And so its opponents had an 
easy task to make -it appear corrupt and dangerous, and witty parodies 
like those of Frere and Canning in The Anti-Jacobin and The Meteors in 
1799-1800 2 , backed by the aesthetic condemnation of the poet William 
Preston in his Reflections on the Peculiarities of Style and Manner in the 
late German Writers, Dublin, 1801 3 , and the moral objections of Hannah 
More 4 , destroyed its vogue for many a long day. There is at least no 
further mention of The Robbers until 1821 when that indefatigable pioneer 
of German literature in England, William Taylor of Norwich, wrote an 
article in The Monthly Review, criticising the play in rather an unfriendly 
spirit. The essay was reprinted with but few alterations in his Historic 
Survey of German Poetry 5 . His criticism is still based on Ty tier's trans- 
lation, but, like Thompson, he occasionally harks back to the edition of 
1781. On pp. 174 ff. of the Survey he illustrates his review by a specimen 
of his translation taken from the famous dream scene between Franz and 
Daniel. Even Taylor is not immune from occasional mistakes 6 , but he 
usually catches the sense : 

He did not forgive me. The scale swelled to a mountain : and for awhile the 
precious blood of redemption flowed into the other, and kept it even. At last came 
an old man, bent down with sorrow, who had bitten the flesh from his own arm with 

1 To judge from two widely read books which appeared simultaneously in London in 
1797, the one by John Kobison, with the instructive title Proofs of a Conspiracy against all 
the Religions and Governments of Europe carried on in the secret meetings of Free Masons, 
Illuminati and Reading Societies, and the other by the Abbe" Barruel, Memoir es pour servir 
a I'histoire du Jacobinume, which was soon translated into English And went through 
numerous editions. 

2 A convenient reprint is that of H. Morley, Parodies and other Burlesques by George 
Canning, George Ellis and John Hookham Frere, London, 1890. Cf. A. Brandl, Die Auf- 
nahme von Goethes Jugendwerken in England, in Goethe- Jahrbuch, m, 1882, p. 27; and 
W. Eullmann, Die Bearbeitungen, Fortsetzungen und Nachahmungen von Schiller s l Rdubern ' 
(1782-1802], Berlin, 1910, in Schriften der Gesellschaft filr Theatergeschichte, vol. xv. 

3 The Reflections were reprinted in the Edinburgh Magazine, 1802, xx, pp. 353, 406; 
1803, xxi, pp. 9, 91. 

4 In her Strictures on Female Education, I.e. 5 London, 1830, vol. m, pp. 171 ff. 
P. 178, 3 laugh me in the face aloud : lache mich derb aus ; p. 178, 5 my heart was 

full of good things : mein Herz war guter Dinge ; p. 178, 15 and the naked ground began 
to crack : und das nackte Gefild begann zu kreifien. 

310 Translations and Adaptations of Schiller's 'Robbers' 

raging hunger, and all eyes turned away with horror. I knew the man. He plucked 
a grey lock from his temples, and cast it into the scale of guilt, which at once sank 
to the abyss : and the other kicked the beam, and scattered in the air the squandered 
blood of redemption. Then I heard a voice issue from the smoke of the mountain : 
'Mercy and forgiveness to all sinners of the earth, thou only art rejected 5 (p. 176). 

Carlyle, in the Edinburgh Review, fell foul of Taylor. In his Life of 
Schiller (1825) he had written the first adequate review in English and 
thus fixed what is still the general attitude to the play in this country. 

The articles of Taylor and Carlyle no doubt stimulated the public 
interest in the original version of 1781. In 1841 a translation, the first 
complete one, was made by a young medical student of King's College, 
London, named Christopher Wharton Mann, and printed in the College 
Magazine for 1842 1 . It was reprinted by Henry Morley, Mann's friend 
and former fellow student as late as 1889, in his volume of Schiller s 
Poems and Plays. In the Introduction (p. xi) Morley tells the genesis 
of the translation : 

I have preferred to give a version of The Robbers made in 1841 by a writer unknown 
to the world, whose age when he made the translation was that of Schiller when he 
wrote the play, who with his whole heart loved the poets, and who had all the stir of 
young enthusiasm for those who could put the soul of life into their work. He and 
I were then medical students at King's College, London, who worked with the doctors 
and lived with the poets. We set up a College Magazine, which grew into two sub- 
stantial octavo volumes, and it is from one of these that I reprint Christopher Wharton 
Mann's translation of The Robbers. The translator passed from this world many years 
ago, but this little piece of his work will, I hope, live on in pleasant alliance with the 
work of others whose labours of love have helped to give to English literature an 
English Schiller. 

It is doubtful, however, whether with all his enthusiasm for the poets, 
the young translator was adequately equipped for the task. Not only must 
his knowledge of the language have been very elementary to judge by 
the numerous ludicrous blunders of translation that occur on every hand 2 , 

1 F. W. C. Lieder first referred to this translation in the above-mentioned review of Eea's 
book in the Journal of English and Germanic Philology, vm, p. 273. I am indebted to 
Professor H. G. Fiedler for the loan of the magazine, to which the quoted extracts refer. 
H. Bohn appears to have Mann's version in mind when writing as follows on p. vii of the 
' Preface' to his own translation (see below) : ' Only one translation of the play, as Schiller 
wrote it, and as it now stands printed in all editions of his works, has been attempted in 
English previous to the present, and that is so exceedingly faulty as scarcely to require a 
more particular indication.' 

2 P. 22, 19 Soil der Vater das ihm anvertraute Pfand auf ewig zu Grund richten? : Shall 
the father for ever bury in the ground the pledge that hath been entrusted to him?; p. 25, 
3 feeling minds : Erfindungsgeist ; p. 29, 22 They revile the shoe-black, if he gets in their 
way : belecken den Schuputzer, dafl er sie vertrete bei Ihro Gnaden; p. 44, 14 there is an 
unction in my heart : Es ist ein Aufstreich in meinem Kopf ; p. 48, 14 Oh I will make a 
fearful scattering : Oh ich will mir eine fiirchterliche Zerstreuung machen; p. 60, 8 a hairy 
man : Haar auf der Zuijge; p. 71, 4 looks hard at him : fafit ihn hart an ; p. 82, 10 but for 
a rogue you must have grain : aber zu einem Spitzbuben wills Griiz ; p. 125, 5 I smell roast 
meat already : ich rieche den Braten schon; p. 126, 11 And he didn't fight : Und er kriegte 
nichts; p. 127, 6 Up, to France: Auf! nach Franken; p. 150, 24 the moon scorched his 
bare head! : der Mittag sengt sein entblofites Haupt; p. 172, 23 I will make thee a king, at 
the peril of my life : ich will sie einem Konige mit Gefahr meines Lebens stehlen ; p. 173, 
5 Schweitzer's destroying angel cometh : Schweizers Wiirgengel kommt ! ; p. 177, 14 Is there 
not one witness among you ? : so gebt doch nur eine Urkund von euch. 


but he actually misreads and confuses the German characters 1 1 More- 
over the translation reads very wooden : in its endeavour to be literal 
it is too frequently un-English 2 , and with its attempts to soften the Storm 
and Stress of Schiller's language, its style is often mawkish and feeble 3 . 
The last and best translation is that by H. G. Bohn, first published 
in Bohns Standard Library in 1849, and many times reprinted since 4 . 

Whatever opinion may be entertained of his labour, readers may at least rest 
assured that they now have, for the first time in English, The Robbers as Schiller 
wrote it with all its faults and exceptionable passages, and with all its beauties, so 
far as the translator has proved competent to transfuse them into his own language. 
(Preface, p. viii.) 

With regard to the above assertion that this translation is complete, 
this is not quite true : several of ' the exceptionable passages ' have, as a 
matter of fact, been omitted 5 , but with this reservation the translation 
is as scholarly and accurate a piece of work as one could wish 6 . It con- 
tains moreover a valuable Preface in which previous English translations 
are passed in review with severity, it is true, but sound literary judgment. 

The centenary of the poet's birth did not call forth in England any- 

1 P. 49, 17 cushions of cedar : Kissen von Eider ; p. 67, 25 Amelia ! my beauteous one ! : 
Amalia! schone meiner! ; p. 113, 2 Curses on this place : Fleuch, auf der Stelle! 

2 P. 19, 21 he will one day die between his landmarks : der wird einmal zwischen seinen 
Grenzsteinen sterben; p. 23, 16 do you not think he will take it for a pardon already? : 
glaubt Ihr nicht, daB er das schon Mr Verzeihung nehmen werde ; p. 25, 19 keep fools in 
respect, and the mob under the slipper : die Narren im Eespekt und den Pobel unter dem 
Pantoffel zu halten; p. 39, 13 it will owe his head, at the least : den Kopf wirds wenigstens 
kosten; p. 45, 23 without the Moor : ohne den Moor; p. 64, 18 we paint the holy : wie man 
die Heiligen malt; p. 104, 17 to raise a blue mist before him : demjenigeh einen blauen 
Dunst vorzumachen. 

3 P. 28, 7 of this paltry age : vor diesem Tintenklecksenden Sekulum ; p. 61, 1 Storms ! : 
Wetter Element! Other passages offended the modesty of the medical student and are 
either omitted : p. 28, 15 und studieren sich das Mark aus dem Schadel was das fur ein 
Ding sei, das er in seinen Hoden gefiihrt hat; p. 31, 5 Du willst die Vorhaut aus der Mode 
bringen; p. 95, 16 und hochschwangere Weiber; or modified: p. 29, 1 after the slightest 
excess : wenn sie einen Buben gemacht haben; p. 29, 14 this weak and sinewless age : das 
schlappe Kastraten-Jahrhundert, etc., etc. 

4 The last reprint (1917) now published by G. Bell and Sons. 

5 P. 32 du seyst zwischen dem Rindfleisch und Meerrettig gemacht worden ; p. 45 the most 
revolting passages of the nunnery episode are left out; p. 56 with defenceless nuns: bei 
nackten Nonnen ; p. 84 and burning thirst make you suck your own blood : dein eigenes 
Wasser wiederzusauf en ; and a few others. 

6 In spite of a close scrutiny I have been able to discover only some half dozen inac- 
curacies in the course of 150 pages : p. 8 Just as if she had spurned me from her refuse : als 
ob sie bei meiner Geburt einen Best gesetzt hatte; p. 9 which men ha^ devised to keep up 
what is called the social compact : die Pulse des Weltzirkels zu treiben; p. 11 gymnasiums : 
Gymnasien; screwed : geschraubt; beat hemp until you are bailed by the last trumpet : zu- 
sammenschnurren bis man zum jiingsten Tag posaunt; p. 21 rotted upon the gallows : auf 
dem Schindanger verfault; p. 30 convulsive sensations : gichterische Empfindungen; p. 31 
to call thee smooth-tongued : Haar auf der Zunge ; p. 53 our fellows had the extra treat of 
being able to plunder worse than the old emperor : nebenher hatten unser Kerls noch das 
gef undene Fressen, iiber den alten Kaiser zu pliindern ; p. 58 masterly guesses thus far : 
meisterlich geraten bis hierher ; p. 60 who flatter them while they pretend to hate flatterers : 
wenn man ihnen schmeichelt, daB sie die Schmeichelei hassen. On p. 33 we seem to have 
a Protestant objection to crucifixes : I'll strangle him at the altar first : Ich will ihn am 
Kruzifix erwiirgen; and again p. 58 Pater tritt auf : Father Dominic, why Dominic? 

312 Translations and Adaptations of Schiller s 'Robbers' 

thing that was worth the writing. A certain Friedrich Werner, however, 
Lecturer on the German Language and Literature at the Queen's College, 
Liverpool, apparently delivered a public lecture on Schiller's Dramas 1 
which included a short account of The Robbers, ' the most stimulating 
tragedy extant in German literature,' illustrated by quotations from 
scenes 1 and 4 of the fourth act. Their very shortness makes further 
comment unnecessary. 

The history of The Robbers in America is the record of American 
reprints of English editions 2 . The first introduction to Schiller in the 
United States was the reprint of Ty tier's translation by Samuel Campbell 
in New York in 1793; Benjamin Thompson's Robbers was reprinted in 
1802 in Baltimore. Its continued popularity is attested by a fourth and 
fifth edition printed respectively in 1808 and 1821 3 . The last appeared 
in 1854 as vol. xui of the Modern Standard Drama. The text, based 
on Tytler, has been adapted to the American stage and represents the 
acting version of the play performed at Bowery Street Theatre, New 
York, in 1853 4 . The text has undergone severe alterations, mainly in 
the form of 'cuts' for stage purposes 5 ; what is left, however, is almost 
literally the text of Tytler, with but the slightest of amendments 6 . The 
chief change was the new denouement : Schufterle, Judas-like, betrays 

1 The Characteristics of Schiller's Dramas, with preliminary notes on the poet's life, by 
Friedrich Werner, Late of the Eoyal College, Berlin, Lecturer on the German Language 
and Literature, Queen's College, Liverpool, London and Liverpool, 1859. This lecture was 
shamelessly reprinted word for word, without acknowledgment of any kind, as the first part 
of a Centenary Lecture upon the Life and Genius of Friedrich von Schiller, by Alfred Newsom 
Niblett, F.S.A., M.K.S.L., Assistant Master at the Collegiate School, Sheffield, London and 
Edinburgh, 1860. 

2 Cf. E. C. Parry, Friedrich Schiller in America, Philadelphia, 1905 (reprinted from 
German American Annals, vol. in), and F. E. Wilkens, Early influence of German Literature 
in America (reprint from Americana Germania) ; M.D. Learned, Schillers literarische Stellung 
in Amerika, and 0. C. Schneider, Schiller als Bannertrager des deutschen Gedankens in 
Amerika, both in Marbacher Schillerbuch, Stuttgart und Berlin, 1905, pp. 247, 257. 

3 Both these editions are based on Ty tier's 1793 edition, although that of 1808 claims 
to have been 'revised and corrected from the various translations.' 

4 An English reprint of this version appeared as no. 332 of Dick's Standard Plays and 
was sold for the very modest sum of one penny. This version, a proper acting edition which 
' can be performed without risk of infringing any rights,' has an additional interest in that 
it contains a specification of the costumes required : Charles de Moor, 1st Dress : Green 
tunic and tights buff vest hat to match russet Hessian boots wide shirt collar loose 
pink kerchief round the neck. 2nd Dress : Dark brown slashed tunic, with brass ornaments 
up the front breast plate large brown cloak fleshings russet brown boots brown hat 
and black feathers. Amelia, 1st Dress: Handsome embroidered blue satin dress. 2nd Dress : 
Black velvet gown trimmed with point lace gray satin petticoat black hood. 

6 Spiegelberg's speech is much curtailed, many incidents are omitted altogether: the 
story of painting Karl's portrait, the writing on the sword, the whole of the Kosinski episode 
(which does not prevent the adapter making Moor, in the last act, leave him a share of his 
earldom!), the incidents with Count Brand. 

6 Spiegelberg will be your 'tutor,' instead of 'master' (Tytler); 'Listen to us Moor,' 
instead of, 'Let us but speak to you,' etc. 


Moor to the authorities ; he leads a party of soldiers to apprehend him 
who, on his resistance, shoot him down : 

(Enter Schufterle and a party of soldiers on bridge.) SCHUF. Now yield thee, 
Moor ! MOOR. Never ! your master in life, so will I be in death. SCHUF. Fire ! 
(They fire. Moor falls. Exclaims) Farewell world ! (Dies.) 


Finally the full text was published by I. Kohler at Philadelphia in 1861, 
in the first edition in English of Schiller's Complete Works. 

Besides the actual English translations of Schiller's Robbers dis- 
cussed above, the popularity of the play is testified still further by the 
various adaptations which were made of its chief characters and inci- 
dents. Mention has already been made of The Gauntlet by the Mar- 
gravine of Anspach, but the chief adaptation was by J. G. Holman, The 
Red Cross Knights, London, 1801 1 . Descended from an old Oxfordshire 
family Holman was tempted by the allurements of the stage to forsake' 
an academic career at Queen's College, Oxford, which was full of brilliant 
promise. He met, however, with considerable success both as an actor 
and manager, and achieved some literary reputation with several plays 
which were generally very favourably received. He relates in the ' Ad- 
vertisement ' to The Red Cross Knights how he first came to consider 
the adaptation of The Robbers : 

Captivated by its beauties, I had no other plan when I first undertook to prepare 
the work for the Stage, than to make curtailments, and such variations as most 
dramas require that are not native productions. When completed agreeably to this 
design, its performance was prohibited by the licenser.... On a more dispassionate 

investigation of the play, I found much to justify the licenser's decision Still 

unwilling wholly to abandon a favourite object, I determined on forming a Play, 
which should retain as much of the original, with the omission of all that could be 
deemed objectionable. 

In order to achieve this object Holman has changed the scene from 
the Germany of Maximilian to the Spain of Alphonso of Castile, and 
the libertine Robbers of Schiller to Knights of the Red Cross in con- 
tinual crusade against the Moors. Roderic and Ferdinand are two hostile 
brothers who both claim Eugenia as their bride. The whole is inter- 
spersed with songs and choruses and the fooling of the comic character 
Popoli. It is obvious that there is little space amidst all his excitement 
and bustle for the text of The Robbers: yet scenes are taken wholesale 
from the German play and this is worthy of special notice are based 
with very few alterations on the text of Tytler 2 . 

1 On Holman cf. The Dictionary of National Biography. 

2 For an account of the play and of the performance at the Haymarket in which 
<!!. Kemble took the leading part cf . Genest, Some account of the English Stage from the 
Restoration in 1660 to 1830, Bath, 1832, vn, p. 454, and also The Dramatic Censor, 1800, 
i, p. 77, and The Monthly Mirror, 1799, vm, p. 173. Genest I.e. has a characteristic and 

314 Translations and Adaptations of Schiller s 'Robbers' 

We know how greater men than Holman, how Wordsworth, Camp- 
bell, Southey, Byron and Coleridge, were all attracted by the genius of 
Schiller 1 , without, however, exploiting him to a like extent. A tragedy 
by the Reverend C. Maturin entitled Bertram (1816) owes much to 
The Robbers 2 , whilst both Sir Walter Scott and Lord Lytton borrowed 
some of its characters for their novels. Monk Lewis' melodrama The 
Castle Spectre which was performed at Drury Lane on 14th December, 
1797, and ran for sixty nights, owed the famous dream scene, by Lewis' 
own confession 3 , to Schiller's inspiration. 

The last off-shoot of The Robbers in England appears to be a play 
by Edward Gandy, Lorenzo the Outcast Son, a tragic Drama, founded on 
The Robbers of Frederick Schiller, London, 1823. 

This work originated in the usual captivation which befalls young minds on the 
.perusal of Schiller's Robbers. It was written about the year 1815 with an immediate 
view to publication... suffice it to say that the changes are manifold, perhaps not ill 
judged.... The adapter proceeded into the thick of alterations according to his own 
inclination and fancy, taking care however to mar as few as possible of Schiller's 
striking beauties, while he endeavoured to string them together like goodly jewels 
upon a thread of his own Muse's spinning.... The little added experience of a few 
years, which teaches how much in all things wisdom consists in moderation, tells 
him that the character of Schiller's tragedy, with all its beauty, is extravagant, and 
it is also deficient in some of the higher attributes of the drama, though the story 
possesses a degree of interest which rivets the attention. 

It is fairly obvious that any translator or adapter approaching 
Schiller in that patronising spirit would not be likely to succeed in his 
task, and few are the critics who would care to say much in favour of 
Lorenzo the Outcast Son. 

The scene, this time, is changed to Italy at the end of the Thirty 
Years' War. Instead of Old Moor and his sons we have the count Tibaldi 

amusing criticism of Schiller's Robbers: 'On the whole, this celebrated Tragedy is grand, 
horrid, and disgusting it was at one time intended to bring it out at Drury Lane for the 
sake of Keen's playing of Charles de Moor if this intention had been put into execution, 
it is to be hoped that no English audience would have tolerated such an exhibition.' 

1 Cf. M. W. Cooke, I.e.; T. Kea, I.e.; and A. H. Thorndyke, Tragedy, London, 1908, 
p. 327 seq. ; H. A. Beers, A history of English Romanticism in the Eighteenth Century, 
London, 1899 (especially the chapter : ' The German Tributary,' p. 374 seq.) ; F. E. Schelling, 
The EngUsh Drama, London and Toronto, 1914. 

2 A review of Maturin's play attracted Goethe's notice, who characterised its contents 
very aptly as containing : ' deutsche Originalelemente, Schillersche Moors und Kotzebuische 
Kinder ! ' Werke, xui 2 , p. 38. Goethe even attempted the translation of two fragments from 
Act n, Scene 3, Werke, xi, p. 358. 

3 P. 69 note: ' This scene will doubtless have reminded the reader of Clarence's Dream, 
Richard's Dream, etc. But it bears a much closer resemblance to the Dream of Francis in 
Schiller's Robbers, which, in my opinion, is surpassed by no vision ever related upon the 
stage. Were I asked to produce an instance of the terrific and sublime, I should name the 
Parricide's confession " Ich kannte den Mann !" ' In spite of its title, another play of Lewis, 
Adelmorn the Outlaw, has little or no connection with The Robbers ; nor has The Battle of 
Hexham (1789) by George Colman (the younger), besides the robber motive. An interesting 
parallel to the German prose romances founded on Schiller's Rauber is a novel by Sarah Wil- 
kinson, The Castle Spectre, an Ancient Baronial Eomance, founded on the original drama 
of M. G. Lewis, Esq., London (no date). 


and Lorenzo and Francesco ; Amelia has been rebaptized Teresa. Other 
recognisable characters are Gonzalvi (Hermann), Pietro (Daniel), Albert 
(Schweitzer) and Muralto (Spiegelberg). The only character left with 
his original name is Roller. Apart from the Italian colouring, the plot 
is that of The Robbers : Francesco plays the same role as Franz Moor. 
At the instigation of Muralto-Spiegelberg a robber band is formed 
among the Apennines. Suddenly, without rhyme or reason, Lorenzo 
assumes the name of Moor : 

for my revenge 

Shall be most terrible it shall it shall ! 
Henceforth my name be called The Robber Moor. 

As in Schiller, Francesco is ordered to be cast down into the dungeon 
in which he has confined his father, but the final solution is different : 
whilst he is led away, Francesco falls purposely on a robber's sword. 
Lorenzo refuses either to lead or follow the robbers any further ; they 
remind him of his oath ; he is obdurate ; they shoot him down. Lorenzo 
has still breath enough to make the following appeal to his father before 
he dies : 

LORENZO. Live 'tis your lost Lorenzo's last request ; 
Live, and be still a father to Teresa. 
Poor, poor Teresa, dost thou hold me now : 
Mine eyes grow dim : Oh, be thou near me still, 
And make it precious happiness to die. 
Albert, when I am dead, rejoin the band ; 
Say I forgave them, that I prayed for them 
Say that their dying leader's latest breath 
Bade them return to virtue's peaceful ways. 
Have mercy, heaven ! Oh blot out all my sins, 
And take these wretched mourners to your care ! 

(Expires. The Count and Albert bend sorrowfully over the body. Teresa gazes 
awhile in vacant, motionless grief, till it relieves itself in audible sobs. Gonzalvi 
and Servants, with torches, appear on the bridge, as following the Robbers and 
then the curtain falls.) 

Enough has been quoted of ' his own Muse's spinning ' to show the 
extravagant, pretentious production it is. Lorenzo the Outcast Son has 
preserved little of the Schiller spirit and does not merit a better fate 

than the general oblivion into which it has fallen. 





In the Modern Language Review for October, 1920, the Rev. Vincent 
MacNabb, O.P., restated his -theory that the Ancren Riwle was written 
by a member of his own order (v. ibid., January, 1916), and attacked my 
theory that it was written for the three women who were the nucleus of 
Kilburn Priory (v. Publications of the Modern Language Association of 
America, October, 1918, and the review by Mr G. G. Coulton in the 
Modern Language Review of January, 1920). In a short rejoinder I 
cannot discuss fully the unsatisfactory character of Father MacNabb's 
account of my hypothesis, and I must hope that anyone who is interested 
will turn to my original article. I must here, however, comment briefly 
ou. a few points. 

(1) Father MacNabb writes: 'It is quite true that the Priory of 
Kilburn was granted to three young women. But there is not any evidence 
that these three were sisters of one father and of one mother ' (p. 406). 

To give a complete and accurate statement of the coincidences with 
the Riwle, Father MacNabb should have admitted that the three young 
women of Kilburn were (like those of the treatise) inclusae, young, noble, 
richly endowed, beadswomen, living under a master, and that we have no 
reason to believe that they were not sisters. Except for one detail (added 
by Prior Flete of Westminster), we owe our information as to the cir- 
cumstances of the Kilburn inclusae to charters, in which so familiar a 
detail as their relationship would hardly be included. Since they went 
to live together in a secluded hermitage, it would be natural that they 
should be friends, and perhaps sisters. 

(2) Father MacNabb evidently finds it difficult to believe that the 
Benedictine Abbey of Westminster ever could have supported religious 
women not formally Benedictine. He cites Gervase of Canterbury's 
mention of the nuns of Kilburn as ' Moniales Nigrae ' without acknow- 
ledging that this reference was first brought forward by me (p. 490, 
n. 23). This indefinite classification was the only mediaeval authority 
supporting a Benedictine connexion for Kilburn, and the circumstances 
under which it occurs are such as to make it a very uncertain weapon 
in argument. Gervase is giving a summary catalogue of all the religious 

Miscellaneous Notes 317 

houses of England, and it would be very unlikely that in the case of an 
obscure nunnery of peculiar situation he would give the special investi- 
gation necessary to inform him that the cell could not be classed with 
the patron. Lately I have found a Papal letter of 1391 calling Kilburn 
Benedictine (Papal letters relating to England, iv). 

Father MacNabb calls the later Augustinian connexion of Kilburn 
' not proven' (p. 407), but he neglects to state that (as first pointed out 
by Park, in his History ofHampstead) the nuns of Kilburn are specifically 
called Augustinian in a formal appropriation granted them by the Bishop 
of Rochester in 1377, as well as in a Patent Roll of 26 Ed. Ill (p. 340 ; 
see my article pp. 489 92). Moreover, Prior Flete of Westminster calls 
them ' canonesses,' and no one would know their status better than he, 
for, according to the arrangements made in 1231 (see my article, p. 495), 
the Prior of Westminster was to be the official visitor at Kilburn in the 
absence of the Abbot. Thus we have practically three English official 
references to the house as Augustinian, against one official foreign one 
calling it Benedictine. There was every motive for guessing that it was 
Benedictine, and the three official native authorities which give the 
unexpected title seem to me almost certainly accurate. 

It seems to me quite clear from the records that the trio of women 
who were put into Kilburn hermitage, c. 1134, were inclusae, unattached 
to any order (as indusae often were). I have pointed out cases (pp. 536, 
n. 96, 539, n. 101) in which Benedictine monasteries took female recluses 
under their protection, apparently without bringing them into the Bene- 
dictine order. For example, in the abbacy of Anselm three women lived 
as recluses under the protection of Bee, and of these one was the mother 
of Abbot Crispin of Westminster whose corrody was one of those granted 
by St Peter's to the three women at Kilburn. 

Since the establishment at Kilburn was perpetuated and enlarged, it 
was natural that in time it became regularised. I have quoted (p. 491, 
n. 25) the Papal decree of 1148 urging women of unorganised religious life 
to attach themselves to the Rule of St Benedict or to that of St Augustine ; 
as well as the union by the Pope in 1 244 of various communities of her- 
mits under the Rule of St Augustine. Doubtless there wA-e other efforts 
at various times to regularise indefinite religious organisations, and Father 
MacNabb (p. 407) has mentioned one when he notes that ' St Dominic 
had been commissioned by the Pope to gather the anchoresses of Rome 
into one Convent under one Rule.' Various considerations probably 
dictated the choice of one of the two great rules rather than another, but 
Dr Frere points out (as I note, p. 492) that the Augustinian Rule was 

318 Miscellaneous Notes 

an indefinite one which could be assumed without altering local custom : 
* The Rule/ he remarks (op. cit., p. 213), ' as compiled out of St Augustine's 
letter, does not enter into details nor prescribe minutiae, as does the Rule 
of St Benedict, which is a real Rule.' Perhaps because it did not change 
their regimen, it was adopted by many old houses. When Kilburn Priory, 
the cell of a Benedictine house, became regularised, it would certainly 
be natural that it should have come into the order of its patron, and the 
fact that it did not may hint at some unusually well-established local 
custom, which it was desirable to preserve, though it could not be recon- 
ciled with the Benedictine Rule. If the Ancren Riwle had been written 
for this house, we can imagine that when Kilburn became regularised it 
would choose the rule which would allow it to continue the manner of 
life laid down in the treatise, and this would be possible only under the 
Rule of St Augustine. A powerful motive would thus be given for rejecting 
the rule of the patron abbey, and one which we can imagine that West- 
minster would honour. 

I do not see that it is in the least ' fatal to my thesis ' that we do 
not know when the regularising influence reached Kilburn and made it 
Augustinian. Father MacNabb's opinion that it is seems due to the mis- 
interpretation which he gives to the following words of mine : ' The 
Rev. Vincent MacNabb...has made the interesting discovery thg,t the 
Rule of St Augustine was used in the Ancren Riwle ' (p. 492). This 
apparently gives rise to the following, in his second article : ' Miss Allen 
agrees with us in thinking that the Ancren Riwle is quite definitely 
Augustinian ' (p. 407). He believes evidently therefore that the treatise 
can only be attached to a house certainly Augustinian from its foundation. 

J do not for a moment believe that the use of the Augustinian Rule 
in the treatise made the Riwle 'Augustinian' if by that is meant 
written for or by persons of that order. Father MacNabb neglects to note 
(what is highly significant for the dating of the work) that I have pointed 
out the quotation verbatim of a considerable section of the Carthusian 
Customs, as well as unmistakable reminiscences of the apology for the 
Cluniacs against the Cistercians made by Peter the Venerable (v. pp. 488 f., 
515 33). If the Augustinian influence on the treatise makes it Augus- 
tinian, then the .Carthusian influence makes it Carthusian, and the Cluniac 
influence makes it Cluniac. The truth is that we find reflected in the 
Ancren Riwle an unsectarian, eclectic spirit akin to that which, in the 
same decade in which Kilburn was founded, produced the Gilbertine 
order. The Gilbertine men were Augustinian, the women Benedictine, 
and the lay-brothers Cistercian. The middle of the twelfth century was 

Miscellaneous Notes 319 

a rare age, in which the sectarian distinctions insisted on by Father 
MacNabb were sometimes ignored. The author of the Riwle shows a 
peculiarly strong sympathy with the party which ignored them the 
older Benedictines, the patrons of Kilburn. 

(3) Father MacNabb writes : ' But the circumstances of the three 
sisters which is supposed to be fatal to the Dominican authorship of the 
Rule is especially detailed in Codex N (Morton's text). Now it is pre- 
cisely this text which gives the paragraph of the lay-brother's office of 
Pater Nosters.... Miss Allen dismisses this passage as an interpolation of 
N ; not as an omission by the other MSS. The only grounds we can dis- 
cover for Miss Allen's canon of rejection is that it is demanded by her 
theory '(p. 407). 

The grounds for my rejection at this point can be found discussed in 
my article pp. 539 41. 

(4) Father MacNabb, as in his first article, brings forward (p. 407) 
to support his theory of Dominican authorship the mention of friars in 
MS. B and the French (which includes some of the elaborate new material 
found in B). He seems hardly to realise where this lands his argument. 
MS. B has substituted for the description of the circumstances of the 
three sisters (entirely absent here) an extended description of ' twenty 
recluses and more,' to whom the work is addressed in this copy. How 
can Father MacNabb accept from N the passages as to the lay-brothers 
and the three sisters, and from B, as if equally part of the original text, 
the passages as to friars at the same time rejecting from the latter 
manuscript the passage as to the twenty recluses as well as (inevitably) 
many others ? 

In his strictures on my article just quoted he has implied that no 
evidence is sufficient to justify a critic in accepting some and rejecting 
other variations of a single manuscript, yet he has made his own com- 
prehensive discrimination entirely without explanation. He does not 
mention the fact that some of the new material introduced by B is in- 
disputably interpolation, and that probably all of it is. He also neglects 
to note that I have pointed out (pp. 492 ff.) that this matter, which 
Mr Macaulay shows must have been added about 1230, dan be connected 
with the reorganisation of Kilburn which took place under a Papal Com- 
mission about 1231. It may be noted, as a highly significant detail, that. 
Mr Macaulay had thought it ( interesting to note ' that the new material 
specially gives directions for a bishop's visit, and the most important 
innovation brought about in 1231 at Kilburn was that henceforth the 
Bishop of London was to have the right of visitation. 

320 Miscellaneous Notes 

(5) Father MacNabb concludes his account of my hypothesis as 
follows : 

' We are quite willing to admit, as a mere possibility, that the Riwle 
was written for Kilburn ; provided that it is agreed that its author was 
a Friar- Preacher ' (p. 407). How can this be? The Kilburn connexion 
of the treatise, if it exists at all, is only valid during the years immediately 
following 1134, when three young women were inhabiting the hermitage 
whose circumstances strikingly correspond with those described in the 
A ncren Riwle. This was, of course, nearly a century before the beginning 
of the Dominican order. 

In conclusion Father MacNabb adds what he believes to be four new 
items of evidence for his hypothesis. 

(1) What he calls (p. 408) a ' very definite form of saying the Officium 
Beatae Mariae Virginis ' appears to me a custom likely to be initiated 
by anyone so fond of using the Pater Noster and Ave Maria as was the 
author of the A ncren Riwle. A miracle dated at 1257 is said to attach 
it to the Dominicans exclusively (see H. Leclercq, Histoire des Conciles, 
Paris, 1913, v, 2nd part, App. iv, p. 1747, n. 10), but Durandus in 1286 
seems to make it a general usage (see J. J. Bourassi, Summa Aurea De 
Laudibus B. V. M., ed. Migne, Paris, 1862, iv, p. 267). Father Thurston 
has shown that in the case of the Rosary a miracle has appeared to give 
the Dominicans an exclusive claim to a custom that was rooted long 
before their time (see the Month, 1900 1 passim). The miracle attaching 
the present custom exclusively to the Dominican order may not be 
conclusive proof of origin, and so natural a procedure may have been 
sporadically practised during the twelfth century, as was the Rosary. In 
any case, since Father MacNabb gives no references for his assertions at 
this point, his evidence cannot be taken very seriously. 

(2) The evidence drawn from the Oxford Dictionary again appears 
to be of the sort which might be illustrative, but cannot be conclusive. 

(3) Father MacNabb quotes at length from the Riwle to show ' the 
frequent use of the Ave Maria as a prayer,' ' which makes it impossible 
to assign the Ancren Riwle to a date earlier than c. 1230' (p. 408). He 
gives no authorities for his categorical statement, and neglects to note 
that I have taken up this subject at some length (pp. 534 5), and cited 
authorities proving that ' among ascetics this custom goes back very far.' 
For example I note that ' Aves make part of the devotion of the " Five 
Psalms of the Virgin," first pointed out in the treatise by Father Mac- 
Nabb, and this devotion can be carried back to the middle of the 12th 
century with the Aves as it is found in the Riwle (the form used by 

Miscellaneous Notes 321 

Jordan of Saxony, noted by Father MacNabb, does not contain the Aves).' 
At this, and numerous other points, I convict Father MacNabb's first 
article of incomplete information, but he passes over these items in his 
second without comment, and still (p. 407) speaks of his ' multiple series 
of identifications and triangulations,' his 'almost countless verification' 
(p. 408). 

(4) ' A further identification of the Ancren Riwle with a Dominican 

writer is to be found in MS. B...and in the French Fr. Thurston, S.J., 

was the first to recognise in this passage the earliest form of the Rosary. 
But to deal sufficiently with this most interesting point would need a 
further article ' (p. 409). 

Considering the results of Father Thurston's researches on the origin 
of the Rosary (v. supra), it is not strange that Father MacNabb leaves 
this point undeveloped. 

To recapitulate for controversial purposes has been the unfortunate 
enterprise of the present paper, but it will not have been useless if it 
succeeds in enlisting new interest in the theory of the connexion of the 
Ancren Riwle with Kilburn Priory. This theory derives its material from 
legal documents, and, if accepted, would anchor the treatise to a date, a 
place, and a group, with consequent great effect on the study of history, 
of literature, and of liturgy. Verification sufficient to convince the doubter 
may come from any quarter, and in view of the wide implications it is 
desirable that the hypothesis should be given the widest possible pub- 
licity, in the hope of gaming the widest possible cooperation. 

Since writing the above I have come across Dr Joseph Hall's Selec- 
tions from Early Middle English (Oxford, 1920) in which he makes a 
conjecture as to the origin of the Ancren Riwle and the connected pieces 
which is somewhat similar to my own. He believes that these works are 
' the product of the Gilbertine movement ' (p. 505), and even goes so far 
as to conjecture (p. 376) that they were all composed by St Gilbert 
himself, who, according to his contemporary biographer, was a prolific 
writer. - 

In an article in the Romanic Review, April June, 1918 (pp. 154 
193), and in my article on the Ancren Riwle, I have expressed opinions 
somewhat similar to the first and more general part of Dr Hall's theory. 
In the latter (p. 536) I wrote as follows : ' We have evidence from the 
historical side of a religious revival in England during the reign of 
Stephen, of which the spirit expressed in the mystical English works 
earlier grouped together is exactly characteristic. Passages quoted in 
M.L.R.XVI. 21 

322 Miscellaneous Notes 

my earlier article in which St Aelred describes the devotion of Gilbertine 
nuns should be put side by side with the " Katherine group/' or the 
ecstatic rhapsodies, for example, to show how likely it is that these 
pieces... should have emanated from the same environment.... It may be 
that some of the English mystical works written in Southern speech 
originated in the Gilbertine houses of the North Midlands. Perhaps 
they were written by Gilbert himself, who, as we are told by his con- 
temporary biographer, " wrote books." ' 

In making the statement just quoted I did not mean to imply that 
the Ancren Riwle could have been written by St Gilbert, though I believe 
that other works of the group may have been. I believe that the author 
of the Riwle wrote at a time of many strong religious influences, one of 
which was the Gilbertine. He was sensitive to all, but he did not give 
the zeal of a partisan to any. He shows, however, a sympathy not un- 
touched with heat for the liberal-Benedictine movement of his day 
which was the cause of Westminster, the patron of Kilburn. He was 
probably a congenial friend of St Gilbert and of St Aelred, but he 
certainly found his closest affiliation with Peter the Venerable, the 
apologist for the older Benedictines. In the case of the other works of 
the group there is nothing to show a similar state of mind in their 
author. There is nothing to show that he was detached from organisa- 
tions, or had sympathy for one rather than another. Therefore, though 
they may have been composed by members of any of the several orders 
which were then in an active state of germination, by St Gilbert, or by 
St Aelred, it would be difficult to fix their authorship. It would be 
equally difficult to fix the general circumstances of their origin, for none 
of them furnishes the explicit personal details found in the Ancren Riwle. 
Those details of the treatise offer an opportunity for definite confirma- 
tion of origin probably unexampled in mediaeval literary history, and 
they are all unanimous in supporting the connexion with Kilburn. 



In the Modern Language Review, Vol. I, p. 36, Prof. J. L. Lowe relates 
the Chaucerian triple roundel Merciles Beaute to three poems of 
Deschamps. The reponse of the Due de Berry to the authors of the 
Cent Ballades 1 has as its first line : 

Puiz qu'a Amours suis si gras eschapd 

1 Ed. by Gaston Kaynaud : Soctet^des Anciens Textes Fran<?ais: Paris, 1905, p. 213. 

Miscellaneous Notes 323 

to which Chaucer's refrain to the third roundel is precisely parallel : 
Sin I fro Love escaped am so fat. 

The roundel bears little relation to the Due de Berry's ballade, beyond 

the first couplet : 

Puiz qu'a Amours suis si gras eschape 
Que moult petit me peuent jamais nuire... 

but it is little more than a comic embroidery on the donnee of this line, 
whose quaintness may well have caught the humour of the poet who so 
willingly made a jest of his own plump figure. 

M. Gaston Raynaud puts the ' publication ' of the Gent Ballades at 

the year 1389. 




I hardly think that the facts are susceptible of the interpretation pro- 
posed by Mr Alwin Thaler (Modern Language Review, xvi, 61). We now 
know with tolerable certainty from documents, to which Professor 
Wallace and Mr E. K. Chambers have called attention, that Jonson was 
the actor in and part-author of the Isle of Dogs who was imprisoned 
some time before 15 August, 1597, and that the offending play was per- 
formed not by the Admiral's but by Pembroke's men. Jonson cannot, 
therefore, have held a share in the Admiral's company on 28 July, 1597, 
which was most likely the day of or following his arrest. Jonson possibly 
joined Pembroke's company on its formation in the preceding February, 
but is not known to have held any share in it. 

Another explanation is possible. Jonson may have previously held 
some share in the Admiral's company and been entitled to payment when 
he left to join Pembroke's. In the state of the company's finances it is 
very unlikely that he received money down; he may, six months later, 
have been still receiving small instalments, and these Henslowe may 
have impounded in satisfaction of his private debts when his arrest made 
his personal security worthless. 

There is, however, no evidence that Jonson ever had ay share in the 
Admiral's company, and Mr Chambers suggests to me that Henslowe 
may have been receiving, or rather have arranged to receive, certain 
money out of what was due to Jonson as a sharer in Pembroke's company. 
This would account for the sudden termination of the receipts on the 
inhibition. The loan of 4 the same day was no doubt for expenses in 
connexion with Jonson's arrest. 

W. W. GREG. 



324 Miscellaneous Notes 


Cataplasma's speech : 

This is a sweet strain and thou finger'st it beastly. Mi is a laerg there, and 
the prick that stands before mi a long ; always halfe your note. 

J. A. Symonds (Mermaid ed.) commenting on 'laerg' says: ' This is 
obscure, but it probably refers to the Italian music phrase largo! Here 
he is following a suggestion made by Churton Collins in his edition ; but 
both are quite on the wrong track. Collins, however, mentions that the 
eighteenth century reprint of the play reads 'large' and, in this instance 
at any rate, this much reviled reprint has corrected an obvious misprint 
of the original. I notice, however, that Fleay, in his copy of Collins' 
edition, has restored the reading 'large' in the margin of the text. 

In the old musical notation the large (or maxim in contrast to the 
still-used minim} was twice the length of the long, which, in its turn, 
was equal to two breves. The 'prick' mentioned would nowadays be 
called a dot which is to 'halve the note'; that is, Cataplasma is im- 
patient with Sebastian for not keeping time in that he fails to give a 
dotted large its full time value. Why the 'prick' should be spoken of as 
coming 'before' mi rather than after the previous large is also explainable 
by reference to the old notation. Nowadays, when a note occurring at the 
end of a bar is to be sustained it is printed afresh in the next bar and con- 
nected with the other by a tie. But in Elizabethan music the bar-line 
could intervene between the note and the dot so that it would seem to 
belong rather to the note after it than the one before it. 




Professor H. C. Wyld in his recent History of Modern Colloquial 
English (p. 336) is inclined to think that the verbal ending -6- of the 
third person singular present indicative did not come into Standard 
English from a regional dialect, but that ' the extremely common Auxi- 
liary is may have provided the model.' There are grounds for continuing 
to hold that this ending traces back ultimately to the Northern dialect, 
but it cannot be doubted that the general adoption of -s with the con- 
sequent displacement of -th was due chiefly to the analogy of is, which 
had previously displaced bith. Though Professor Wyld has not brought 
the facts into relation, he has shown (pp. 332 34, 355) that is had dis- 
placed bith long before -th yielded to -s in other verbs ; accordingly, the 

Miscellaneous Notes 325 

potent analogy of is had long been operative before -s became established 
as the normal ending in the third person singular. At an earlier stage of 
the language the analogy of to be had similarly influenced the form of 
other verbs. In an article published in Modern Philology for January 1921 
I have presented evidence to show that on the one hand the currency of 
-n plurals of to be sindon, aron, bipon with the disuse of beop in 
later Anglian, and on the other, the complete displacement of -n forms 
by beop, bep in the South were the determining factors in the development 
of the characteristic Midland present plural indicative in -n and in the 
retention of the Southern plural in -p(th). To this, the later displace- 
ment of the Midland and Southern ending of the third person singular 
through the analogy of is would be closely parallel. 

Professor Wyld apparently considers the use of is and was .with 
plural subjects, which appeared from the sixteenth into the eighteenth 
century (pp. 356 57), as resulting merely from a tendency to reduce 
both the singular and the plural of verbs generally to a common form. 
In the case of was, which was thus used much more frequently than is 
a secondary, if not the primary, cause must have been the normal speech 
habit which reduced the originally distinct preterite singular and pre- 
terite plural of strong verbs to one form, usually that of the singular. 
It is probable, too, that the use of is with a plural subject was furthered 
by the analogy of the other auxiliary verbs, shall, can, may, etc. 
originally preterite-presents the singular form of which was gradually 
extended into and displaced the plural. 




In the explanatory notes of his recent edition of this text 1 Professor 
Paul Studer draws attention to the word ras occurring in the following 
passage (481-4) : 

Tu son talon aguaiteras 

Cele te sachera le ras ; 

Ta teste ferra d'itel mail 

Qui te ferra mult grant travail. 

What is the meaning of ras and what is its derivation ? The word is, 
I believe, a hapax legomenon and no serious attempt has been made, as 
far as I am aware, to answer these questions. There is no reason to 
take Palustre's word for it that ras is the translation of caput in Genesis 

1 Manchester University Press, 1918. 

326 Miscellaneous Notes 

iii, 15. On the other hand, those critics who deny Palustre's authority 
and to whom the word remains obscure show a tendency to entirely 
reject the MS. reading in this place and propose emendations which, in 
some cases, affect almost every word in 482. I cannot see that the 
corrections proposed by Foerster would be of any assistance in eluci- 
dating the meaning of the word and an emendation such as suggested 
by Professor Baker (cele te marchera sanz gas) could hardly be enter- 
tained at all except after all efforts to explain without doing violence 
to the readings of the MS. have failed. Professor Studer is evidently 
of the same opinion, for, to throw light on the meaning of ras, 
he turns to Greban's Mystere de la Passion where we read in the same 

context : 

et t'espyra de I'esguillion (788). 

The reference is a very suggestive one and I would take it as a starting 
point in the disciission of this obscure noun. 

Among the animals provided with an offensive or defensive weapon 
in the form of a spike or sting we find, apart from insects, certain birds 
and fishes. 

Pliny speaks of the sting in or above the tail of a fish supposedly 
the ray as radius J and denotes by the same word the spur of certain 
birds, especially the cock 2 . I have found no instance where radius is 
used in connection with the serpent or dragon, but that mediaeval artists 
represented these as provided with a formidable sting in the tail is 
apparent from the miniature in the 'Psautier d'or' of St Gallen (Lavisse, 
Histoire de France, II, 1, p. 282). 

Forcellini defines radius as : ' spina eininens super caudam trygonis, 
seu pastinacae piscis, quincunciali magnitudine, quae arbores infixa radici 
necat, arma, ut telum, perforat, vi ferri et veneni malo/ and the same 
lexicographer, commenting upon ' 1 eta] is trigon ' (Auson. ep. 4, 6) says : 
' Letalem dicit, quia aculeum seu radium in cauda dicitur, qua letalia 
vulnera infligit.' 

Ducange's statement 3 that 'radius vocatur instrumentum cirurgi- 
corum, stilus, tenta; et illud quo medicinae in oculis ponuntur' (Glossar. 
medic. MS. Simon. Januens. ex Cod. reg. 6959) indicates that this noun 
was used to denote a sharply pointed instrument and one from which a 
liquid issues. 

Littre and Diez 4 mention the following Romance forms of radius : 

1 Pliny, N. H., ed. Teubner, 1909, n, p. 208, 9 155 [c. 48 (72)], and v, p. 57, 32 25 
[c. 2 (12)]. 2 O.c. n, p. 367, 11 256 [c. 47 (107)]. 

3 Gloss. Tried, et infim. lat. ed. nova, 1886, v. Kadius 4. 

4 Diez-Scheler, Etym. Wb. d. Rom. Spr., 5th ed., 1887. 

Miscellaneous Notes 327 

Fr. rai ; Wai. ret (d'une roue) ; Prov. rai, raig, rait, rah, rack ; Sp. and 
Port, rayo, radio ; Ital. raggio, razzo. The latter adds : ' Die ital. form 
mit z kennt schon ein glossar des 8 9 jh. razus, " speicha " Graff, VI, 
325.' I am not in a position to verify this reference, but it seems to me 
an important one. 

OHG. speicha, MHG. speiche, OE. spaca, E. spoke, Du. speek, on the 
one hand, and Icel., Swed., ME. spik, E. spike, Du. spijker, Dan. spiger, 
on the other, are all related to, if not derived from, L. spica, ear of corn, 
point, spike. 

If, therefore, ras in our text represents L. radius we should be amply 
justified in translating it by spike or sting. 

In establishing the identity of this noun we are, however, imme- 
diately faced by the difficulties which the phonological and morphological 
aspect of the word presents. The regular evolution of the tonic vowel 
in radium is ai > i > . Even if we were to suppose that, for the sake 
of the rhyme the poet has deliberately substituted a for , ras could 
not represent anything but radius. That a nominative should have 
been used instead of an accusative is in the highest degree improbable 
in view of the marked manner in which the accusative is preferred to 
the nominative throughout the text. We therefore put, for the moment, 
radius aside and look in another direction for the solution of the difficulty. 
In consulting Ducange 1 I have come across two passages in Mediaeval 
Latin where radius and rasus are used to express exactly the same idea. 
I quote : ' Ad Radium tinae, Id est ad plenam tinam seu vas vinarium, 
quod tinam vocabant....Chartul. S. Viet. Massil. : "Dictus Petrus dare 
tenetur singulis annis duas metretas vini ad Radium tinae." Alia apud 
Gariel. in Hist, episc. Magalon. part. 2, fol. 175: "Instituit quod prior 
et sacrista collegiatae (S. Annae Montispess.) teneatur dare singulis annis 
et solvere. . .duo modia vini boni et puri et mercatilis. Radium tinae." 
Galli diceremus " a ras de tine." ' 

Turning to rasus we read : ' Ad Ras urn, de mensura rasa et opposita 
cumulatae passim legitur in Chartis. Antiquae Recogn. Claromont. in 
Triviis Dalph. ex Regesto Probus : "Guillelma Taschiere y .debet in anno 
1 aver. frum. ad cumulum et alio anno ad Rasum." Litterae Officialis 
Rem. ann. 1238 e Tabulario Compendiensi : " Pro CC. sextariis bladi 
persolvendis, scilicet blado ad Rasum et avena ad comblum." Statuta 
Vercell. lib. 1, fol. 23, v.: " Potestas Vercellarum... fieri faciat...unum 
quartaronum de ligno, ita magnum, quod teneat commode ad Rasum.... 
Ibidem recurrit et alibi non semel." ' 

1 O.c. Eadius 3. 

328 Miscellaneous Notes 

The noun rasus which denoted the action of grating, scraping, 
scratching (Varr. de L. L. c. 31) came by metonymy to denote the sub- 
ject of the action, that which scrapes, as well as the result of the action. 
The fact that ad radium and ad rasum in the foregoing quotations 
express precisely the same idea leads me to suggest that the two nouns 
were confused by popular etymology in Vulgar Latin which substituted 
rasus for radius on account of the similarity both in sound and in sense. 
The form razus recorded by Diez points to this. It matters not whether 
its equivalent in OHG., speicha, represents the E. spoke or the E. spike, 
since L. radius has both meanings. It is to this influence of popular 
etymology, I believe, that we must ascribe the absence of several mean- 
ings of rai in OFr. and Mod. Fr. which we find recorded for radius. 
According to Forcellini, radius denotes : 

1. a strickle. Ducange (v. rasus and rasa) does not know radius in 
this sense. OFr. rasel (v. Godefroy) points to the diminutive rasellum. 
There existed also radoire rasitoria and ratoire raditoria 1 . 

2. the weapon of a fish supposed to be the ray. 

3. a cock's spur. The existence of rasus of which I have not found 
a single instance seems to me to be attested by ras in our text. Radius 
is rare in Cl. Latin and has left no traces in Old or Modern French. 

4. radius virilis, Wv<f>a\\o<; (Gael. Aurel. de Acut. lib. 3, cap. 14). 
Of this metaphorical use of radius I have found no instance in French. 
The verb rasetter, ' violer ' (Bonnard et Salmon, Lexique de Vancien 
franpais) seems to me to point to rasus. The metaphor itself is, of 
course, not unusual in modern argot (riper etc.) 2 . In all these cases a 
connection between radius and rasus (radere) readily suggests itself. 

5. measuring rod. Ducange records rasus with this meaning. OFr. 
rase, mesure de pr (v. Godefroy). 

6. the radius or lesser bone of the arm. Mod. Fr. rayon in this sense 
is rarely used. In OFr. I find no record of any other form than rasette, 
petit os du bras et de la jambe (v. Godefroy). 

7. a weaver's shuttle. Derivatives of radius are absent in Fr. I 
wonder if ras (filiere par laquelle on fait passer le lingo t qui sort de 
1'argue) recorded by Littre, could have any connection with rasus ? 

8. the spoke of a wheel. OFr. rai, Mod. Fr. rai, rayon. 

9. a ray of light, beam. OFr. rai, Mod. Fr. rai(s), rayon. Could the 
faulty orthography rais which has persisted so long be due to the in- 
fluence of rasus ? 

1 Discussed by A. Thomas, Essais de philoloyie fran$aise, Paris, 1898, pp. 367 371. 

2 Aristide Bruant, Dictionnaire Franqais- Argot, Paris, 1905, v. Violenter. 

Miscellaneous Notes 329 

As will be seen, in seven out of nine cases no direct derivatives of 
radius or of a diminutive of this noun exist either in OFr. or in Mod. 
Fr., while for six of those seven Mediaeval Latin or O. French has 
words of the same meaning as those recorded for radius which all point 
more or less directly to rasus or a diminutive of that noun. Whatever 
the degree of plausibility of my suggestion, a search, which I hope to 
undertake shortly, of the commentaries on Genesis, of homilies and 
.sermons on the Fall contained in the Latin series of Migne's Patrologia 
may perhaps result in the discovery of a paraphrase identical with the 
one found in the Mystere d'Adam and in which not radius, but the far 
more common aculeum is used. In that case, any doubt as to an affir- 
mative answer to Professor Studer's query : ' Might not Cele 'te sachera 
le ras have the same meaning as Greban's et t'espyra de I'esguillion ? ' 
would be entirely removed. 




Old English Ballads, 1553-1625, chiefly from Manuscripts. Edited by 
HYDER E. ROLLINS. Cambridge, at the University Press, 1920. 8vo. 
pp. xxxi + 423. 18s. Qd. 

'Ballads' of the Tudor and earlier Stuart period are about as hetero- 
geneous a class of literature as could well be ; indeed, their chief apparent 
unity lies in the not very essential fact that they are pieces of verse 
printed on single sheets of paper and hawked about the country by 
pedlars, and are therefore now exceedingly rare. In subject they range 
from the forerunners of the booklets that Pepys was to call ' Penny 
Godlinesses ' and ' Penny Merriments ' to those of modern journalism,, 
effusions upon the rebellion, the execution, or the monstrosity of the 
moment. But ballads, however diverse, have a more important unity 
than that of their form in the fact that they were popular; for 
only popular literature attains the honours of broadside publication. 
And here lies their value to us. Considered as literature they are almost 
universally negligible ; but for understanding the thoughts and feelings 
of a period which had no journalism they are the best guide we can 

Three large collections survive : (1) the Helmingham-Daniel- Huth- 
British Museum ; (2) the Helmingham-Heber-Britwell-Huntington ;. 
and (3) the Society of Antiquaries. They have all been described, and 
the first two have been reprinted, though the reprints are not very 
accessible. We are still waiting for a description of those in the Pepys 
collection, which may prove to be like the Roxburghe Ballads, almost 
entirely later than those we are now considering. But of the earlier 
ballads, i.e. those up to about 1620, there are also a considerable number 
extant in printed sheets and MS. volumes in the Museum, the Bodleian, 
and other libraries. If all that survive were reprinted in one chrono- 
logical series (or even thoroughly catalogued with generous extracts and 
notes such as those in the British Museum Catalogue of the Huth 
Bequest, Mr H. H. Collmann's Roxburghe Club Ballads and Broadsides,. 
Mr Andrew Clark's Shirburn Ballads, or the volumfe before us), there 
would result a notable addition to our knowledge of the period. 

Professor Rollins has attempted nothing of this kind. Not that that 
would be a fair criticism if he had selected some definite section of 
ballad -territory, and worked it thoroughly. But this is just what he has 
not done, with the result that the learning and industry which are 
everywhere apparent in his book bear far less fruit than they might 
From the hundreds of ballads that are extant he has selected 75 r 
upon no apparent principle. Most (and this is a real merit) are from in- 

Reviews 331 

edited MS. sources, but some (such as 'the Marygold') are printed 
elsewhere. Nor do they belong to any one class, historical, religious or 
other. Add. MS. 15,225, however, which is here reprinted practically 
entire, is a collection of Catholic ballads. Professor Rollins rightly sees 
in them ' the chief interest of this volume ' ; and it may be added that 
the section of the Introduction which deals with them is much the most 
valuable. They are a real addition to accessible ballad-texts, and afford 
a striking contrast to the triumphant Protestant ballad-writers, such as 
Elderton, Deloney and Parker, shewing once again that poetry flourishes 
best in adversity, like Euphues' camomile, which ' the more it is trodden 
and pressed down, the more it spreadeth.' Unfortunately these Catholic 
ballads occupy but a small part of the book. 

Much of any collection of early ballads is bound to be very dull and 
pedestrian ; the exceptions are correspondingly welcome. We are glad 
to see again Forrest's ' Marygold,' and the celebrated ' Querister's song 
of York/ or ' Hierusalem, my happy home ' ; with these may be wel- 
comed ' Who is my love ? I shall you tell/ and a few more, which have 
not been printed before. 

Professor Rollins' introductory notes shew much reading and care. 
No doubt some points have escaped him. For example, he notices that 
there is a version of 'The happy end exceedeth all' (no. 39, pt 2) in The 
Paradise of Dainty Devices, but does not add that this refrain is originally 
the last line of a fine eight-line poem by an unknown author in Tottel's 
Miscellany (ed. Arber, p. 177). Again, in no. 43, 'Why should not mortal 
men awake ? ' by R. I)., stanza 8 relates the story of the daughter of a 
merchant of Italy, 

Whose ruffes to sett none plesed her sight, 

She was so Coye a dame, 
Tyll Satan had her for his right, 

Unto her parents shame. 

Professor Rollins might well have referred to the delectable version of 
this story, told at length by Philip Stubbes in The Anatomy of Abuses 
(ed. Furnivall, New Sh. Soc., pt i, pp. 71-3). 

On the other hand, many of the notes, such as those explaining St. 
Laurence's gridiron, and interpreting such archaic spellings as 'the' 
(= ' thee ') ' filde ' (= ' filled '), which the context renders obvious, and still 
more ' deathes/ are gratuitous. And too much of the Introduction is given 
up to rather elementary reflections on the spirit of religious persecution 
illustrated by the ballads. If this volume is intended foi*fchose who are 
familiar with the period, all this is unnecessary; if for the general reader, 
the poor fellow would need far more commentary than he gets here. 

I should be unwilling to end on a carping note. Professor Rollins (as 
I have reason to know from some notes and extracts on the vogue of 
Troilus which he has kindly communicated to the Chaucer Society) has 
read Elizabethan literature with extraordinary thoroughness, and his 
accuracy is hardly less remarkable. He has clearly got the whole ballad 
literature of the century from 1540 to 1640 at his fingers' ends in the 

332 Reviews 

course of adding this rather haphazard selection to our store of printed 
texts. Will he not take the desideratum expressed above, of a ballad- 
corpus, as a friendly challenge ? I do not know anyone who could do it 


English Madrigal Verse 1588-1632. Edited from the Original Song 
Books by E. H. FELLOWES. Oxford : Clarendon Press. 1920. 8vo. 
pp. xx + 640. 125. 6d. 

The collection is divided into two parts : I. The Madrigalists, II. The 
Lutenists. The Editor's task in transcribing this enormous mass of 
songs from the song-books and reducing them to something like their 
original form has been a very arduous one : and our gratitude is due to 
him for the vast number of practically unknown lyrics, some of very 
fine quality, which he has made at last accessible to all. 

A song as it appears in the song-books follows the music. The 
composer has for his own purposes omitted a word or phrase here, and 
added one there : he is fond of repetition. That it is not easy to recover 
the true form of the lyric as written may be shown in the case of the 
first madrigal in Thomas Morley's Canzonets (1593), which Dr W. Bolle 
gives as follows : 

See, myne owne sweet iewell, 

What I have for my darling: 

A Robin red brest and a Starling. 

These I give both in hope to move thee, 

And yet thou sayst, I doe not love thee. 

This is Mr Fellowes' version : 

See, see what I have for mine own sweet darling, 
A little robin redbreast and a starling ! 
Both these I give in hope at length to move thee, 
And yet thou sayest that I do not love thee. 

Our gratitude to Mr Fellowes is therefore hardly diminished, when 
on turning his pages we find poems given in a form which we suspect 
not to have been the author's. Where the lyric is otherwise known to 
us, we may find that the musician whom Mr Fellowes follows has 
corrupted the text, or used a text already corrupted. In other cases, 
error has arisen very naturally from some misunderstanding or inadver- 
tence on Mr Fellowes' part. A few examples will make these remarks 
clearer : 

p. 20, xvi, 1. 2. ' Tear up thoughts, tomb a numbed heart.' Query ' Tear up 
thought's tomb, a numbed heart.' 

p. 26, xv, 1. 6. ' Infernal cares.' Query ' Infernal caves.' 

p. 40, xvu, 1. 10. ' Scorning after reason to follow will.' Query ' Scorning their 
master reason ' etc. 

p. 52, xn, 1. 7. ' for ' should be ' far.' (Bolle has ' farre.') 

p. 57, xxxin, 1. 8. 'Though' seems to be a corruption of 'Through.' 'Through 
my parting ' is still a variant of the text 'After parting.' Cp. p. 456 'By thy absence.' 

Reviews 333 

p. 64, xii, 1. 3. (See note.) Query 'Glad Philomela tunes' etc. 

p. 68, II, 1. 11. Mr Fellowes has gone wrong in changing 'lone' (loan) to 'love.' 

p. 70, ix-x, 1. 13. For ' Oetean' read ' CEtean.' 

p. 93, in, 1. 3. Mr Fellowes has turned 'For Corine' [ = Corydon] into 'For Co- 
rinna' and spoilt the sense. The poem is related to one in Tottel's Miscellany 
'Harpelus complaynt' etc. attributed in Englands Helicon to Lord Surrey. See 
Padelford, Poems of H. Howard, Earl of Surrey, p. 235. 

p. 98, ix appears with slight variants in p. 201, xvm, while p. 401, n would 
seem to be another translation of the same original. Probably a great number of 
these poems will be found to have Italian originals. 

p. 99, xii, 1. 7. For ' though blest I be,' query ' through-blessed be.' 

p. 101, v, 1. 3. Query 'he said In time ! ' 

p. 102, ix, 1. 2. ' If ne'er it be not stuck away.' Query ' If near it be not stuck 
a bay.' 

p. 106, v. The lines appear in Sloane MS. 1792, fo. 11 as follows : 
' Love, if a god thou art, 
Thou ever must 
Be merciful and just. 

If thou be just, then wherefore doth thy dart 
Wound me alone and not my mistress' heart'?' 

p. 116, n, 1. 1. 'seek' here and p. 465, xvn should be 'look.' Cp. p. 514, iv. 

p. 125, xxin, 11. 3, 4. Query 

' He is a fool that lovers prove 
That leaves to sing' etc. 

p. 129, xvm, 1. 9. Eead ' You come too far, I say, in.' 

p. 136, xii, 1. 3. 'My hopeless' seems Morley's error for 'By hopeless.' 

p. 140, xi, 1. 1. The sense is lost by the change of spelling. Morley's text ' My 
Nimph, the deere and her my deere I follow,' implies that the nymph is hunting. 

p. 140, xi, 1. 5. ' O love, the world sweet maker,' should be ' love, the world's 
sweet maker.' 

p. 140, xi, 1. 6. The words ' Change her mood and' seem like a musician's addition 
to the text. 

p. 145, vi, 1. 3. Query 'face-lamps' (==eyes). 

p. 154, xin, 1. 7. Mr Fellowes should not have altered 'prest' to 'pressed.' 

p. 159, iv, 1. 1. 'fill me' should perhaps be 'fill thee,' as it appears in Harl. MS. 
6910, fo. 154. 

p. 169, x, 1. 12. Read 'Innocence' betraying.' Grosart's text has 'Innocents'.' 

p. 169, xi, 1. 7. For 'fleet' explained as 'small village, 5 read 'flesh' with Grosart. 

p. 170, xin, 1. 5. 'The child-thoughts of wisdom' (riming with 'grown'). Grosart 
gives 'the child- thoughts of mine own.' 

p. 170, xin, 1. 10. 'Calliaes' should be 'CeelicaV 

p. 170, xiv, 11. 3, 4. 'With blear-eyed opinion learn to see 
Truth's feeble pity here.' 

Grosart has : ' With whose blear eyes opinion learns to see 
Truth's feeble party here.' 

p. 172, xx, 1. 11. 'near' should be 'were' (Grosart). 

p. 172, xxi, 11. 7, 8. 'to sit And fix Conclusion's... race' should be 'to fit And fix 
Confusion's. . .race ' (Grosart). 

p. 173, in, 1. 6. Query 'cease of your tears.' * 

p. 175, xin, 1. 6. Read 'curse, curse.' 

p. 220, x, 1. 5. 'Whose save bright (query 'sun-bright') beams.' The Editor 
informs us that 'save' is an adj. meaning 'health-giving.' He is a little apt to 
talk about the English language as though he were the Oxford Dictionary. 

p. 242, xix. This is a translation of Boethius, de Cons. Phil, in, Met! 7. 

p. 244, xxvin, 1. 4. 'flydeth' (query 'slydeth'). The Editor has other views. 

p. 247, vin, 1. 2. 'flower... flower.' Jonson however wrote 'slower.' 

p. 311, I, 1. 8. 'life.' Query 'love.' 

p. 311, I, 1. 12 needs some correction. Perhaps 'how is' should be 'within.' 

p. 311, n, 1. 11. 'through.' Query 'thoughts.' 

334 Reviews 

p. 313, iv, 1. 6. 'skill.' Query 'still.' 

p. 313, iv, 1. 21. ' flowers of Spain.' Query ' flowers of spine.' 

p. 315, vii, 11. 14, 15. There should be no note of interrogation after 'grow,' but 
a comma after ' plaints.' Cp. Harl. MS. 6910, fo. 168 b (' But of all plaints'). 

p. 317, iv, 1. 2. 'seeth.' Query 'sigheth.' 

p. 317, v, 1. 8. 'too-torn.' Perhaps 'to-torn.' 

p. 320, vin, 1. 26. 'in number With that sweet tongue ' = ' in unison with.' 

p. 321, x, 1. 34. Delete comma. 

p. 322, xii, 1. 18. 'shines.' Query 'shine.' 

p. 323, xiii, 1. 15. Should 'moved' be 'marked' or 'heard'? 

pp. 325 et seq. In his transcriptions of the poems of Campion (whom he very need- 
lessly calls Campian), Mr Fellovves is apparently less successful than was Mr Vivian 
in giving the right readings and punctuation. 

p. 334, xvin, 1. 3. ' nigh.' Vivian, ' high.' 

p. 335, xx, 1. 15. 'And their pleasure.' Viv. 'All' etc. 

p. 339, v, 1. 17. 'praise.' Viv. 'prayers.' 

p. 340, vi, 1. 16. ' most recure.' Mr Fellowes informs us more suo that ' recure ' 
is 'a rare obsolete adjective meaning beyond hope of recovery.' Vivian gives us 'past 
recure,' and the rare obsolete adjective vanishes into space. 

p. 340, vn, 1. 8. Mr Fellowes defends ' smelling lips.' But ' swelling ' is surely 

p. 341, vn, 1. 13. For 'bound' read 'not bound' (Vivian). 

p. 347, xvn, 1. 3. 'sights.' Read 'fights' (Vivian). 

p. 351, v, 1. 8. 'once more heat of love.' Read 'once heat of joy' (Vivian). 

p. 354, xii, 1. 10. 'wait in.' Read 'wait on' (Vivian). 

p. 364, v, 1. 3. 'a simple task.' Read ' a simple look ' (Vivian). 

p. 365, vin, 1. 10. 'wrapped.' Read 'rapt' (Vivian). 

p. 371, xix, 1. 3. 'praised.' Read ' pray'd ' (Vivian). 

p. 371, xix, 1. 12. 'a white wind.' Read 'a whirl-wind' (Vivian). 

p. 373, xxin, 1. 2. ' Calm it with sweet love.' Query ' Calm it, sweet, with love.' 

p. 374, xxiv, 1. 5. ' praised.' Read ' pray'd ' (Vivian). 

p. 376, vi, 1. 9. * Love hath no fire yet is mine ; only lust' etc. Read ' Love hath 
no fire : it is mine only lust ' etc. A poem analogous to this, as though both were 
translations of the same original, is found in Add. MS. 23229, fo. 122 b. This 
poem has 

'His flames are naught but my too hot desires....' 
The last hardly intelligible lines 

'This god whom we so much adore 

Of manners strange doth find as strange a feat' 
appear in the MS. : 

'For my part Ime resolvd that hee that can 
Thinke him a God is himselfe lesse than Man.' 

In 1. 18 for 'ignorant' query ' ignorant's.' 

p. 382, xxvi, 1. 6. ' eye.' Query ' ear.' 

p. 387, iv, 1. 6. 'Love.' Query 'Jove.' Vivian follows an old corrector in 
reading 'fate.' 

p 387, iv, 1. 12. 'embarked.' Query 'embraced' (Vivian). 

p. 388, vi, 1. 8. 'fall.' Query ' fate ' (Vivian). 

p. 388, vn, 1. 5. '0 heavenly.' ' Of heavenly ' (Vivian). 

p. 391, vi. A variant version in Harl. MS. 6917, fo. 31 v. 

p. 392, x, 1. 7. ' vor one.' Query ' vor love.' 

p. 392, x, 1. 11. 'I borne.' Query 'i-borne.' 

p. 397, vn, alternative version 1. 3. ' soil.' Query ' foil.' 

p. 400, xiv, 11. 1, 2. Read 'Call back maid !' 

p. 415, xiii, 11. 2, 4. In Harl. MS. 3511, fo. 1, the words 'diseased' and 'dis- 
pleased ' are interchanged. 

p. 415, xiii, 1. 11. 'moves sighing.' Harl. MS. 'I sorrowe.' 

p. 418, xvn ad Jin. ' By sighs.' Query ' My sighs. 

p. 419, xx, 1. 8. ' black-fast' = ' blackfaced.' 

Reviews 335 

p. 423, x, 1. 16. ' Her.' Query ' Here.' 

p. 428, xvin, 1. 13 etc. Query ' This discord it begot, | Atheists that honour not | 
Nature, thought good ' etc. Cp. Grosart's text. 

p. 430, xxi, 1. 6. 'thought.' Query 'though.' 

p. 430, xxi, 1. 12. 'she.' Query 'shed.' 

p. 432, n, 1. 7. Should not the line end ' attend on her ' ? 

p. 439, xv, 1. 13. 'when fair.' Query 'when foul.' 

p. 441, xvni, 1. 15. Harl. MS. 6910, fo. 167: 'In which each fruitless fly may find 
a friend.' 

p. 441, xx. Is this poem suggested by Biron's speech in Love's Labour's Lost ? 

p. 441, xx, 1. 17. 'try.' Query 'cry.' 

p. 455, iv, 1. 10. ' measure's.' Query ' mischiefs ' (Grosart). 

p. 457, vn. This version of Sidney's song, when compared with Grosart's text or 
Harl. MS. 6910, has some obvious errors ; e.g. 1. 16 ' rejected ' for ' reflected,' 1. 27 
* see ' for ' set,' 1. 52 ' from me ne'er ' for ' for me may.' 

p. 460, i. Harl. MS. 6910, fo. 139 b has 1. 1 'in pensive place obscure,' 1. 4 'shall 
ever find me out.' 

p. 465, xvi, 1. 9. 'a strange ' should be ' a strong.' Cp. p. 520, xiv. 

p. 471, vi, 1. 15. 'in distinguished.' Query ' indistinguished.' 

p. 474, xi, 1. 3. ' Desire.' Query ' Desire's.' 

p. 487, n. Cp. Add. MS. 22603, fo. 53. 

p. 487, n, 1. 28. ' laughing.' Add. MS. has ' longyngs.' 

p. 490, vi, 1. 3. 'that look.' Bolle's text gives 'thou look,' which is clearly 

p. 492, vni, 1. 19. ' Love.' Bolle has 'Jove,' which is clearly right. 

p. 492, ix, 1. 1. 'and time.' Bolle 'on time.' 

p. 492, ix, 1. 8. ' but they.' Bolle ' yet they.' 

p. 493, xi. A variant version in Harl. MS. 6057, fo. 7 b. 

p. 494, xii, 1. 5. ' There may be.' Bolle has ' There be.' 

p. 499, I, 1. 12. ' they be.' Query ' they lie.' 

p. 501, iv, 1. 15. 'through.' .Query 'thorough.' 

p. 506, XL Harl. MS. 3511, fo. 74 b has this poem. 

p. 506, xi. 1. 2. 'her tears.' Harl. 'theire.' 

p. 506, xi, 1. 9. ' the sound to.' Harl. ' the sound of.' [ So Grosart. 

p. 506, xi, 1. 16. ' the waters.' Harl. ' the writer.' J 

Mr Fellowes refers to the Grosart reprint of the Arcadia poem, but does not 
indicate the bad readings of Robert Jones' text. 

p. 509, xvn. The poem occurs in Add. MS. 30012, fo. 143. 

p. 509, xvii, 1. 1. 'babel.' MS. 'bauble.' 

p. 509, xvii, 1. 8. ' sable.' MS. ' saddle.' 

p. 509, xvii, 1. 25. 'debtor.' MS. 'better.' 

p. 515, v, 1. 3. 'if I must.' Query 'if I mist (missed).' 

p. 516, vi, 1. 16. ' Yet that.' Query ' If that.' 

p. 529, vi, 1. 16. ' my measure.' Query ' by measure.' 

p. 529, vii, 1. 3. 'like a love.' Query ' like a lout.' 

p. 529, vii, 1. 4. Query ' when he should be doing, reason.' 

p. 531, ix, 1. 11. '(till it be) hard.' Query 'heard.' 

p. 549, xvi, 1. 5. Query ' If she did [ill] to prove ' 

p. 549, xvii, 1. 3. This line is repeated from the first stanza. The lost line may 
have been ' Thy words no more my reason moved.' 

p. 549, xvii, 1. 26. ' Tie my hair your captive solly.' Query ' Tie me, hair, your 
captive solely.' Mr Fellowes says that solly is ' a variant of selly, sc. a marvel : used 
here no doubt as a term of endearment.' 

p. 550, xvin, 1. 8. ' thy Creator's piety.' Apparently means ' thy father's love.' 

p. 551, xix, 1. 12. 'A goddess' look,' as given in the song-book, is better than 
Mr FelloweV correction ' A goddess' lock.' 

p. 569, xin, 1. 4. ' Catch love, down fall'th, heart appalling.' This strange line is 
probably to be read ' Catch low downfall, th' heart appalling.' 

p. 577, vi, 1. 4. ' witness.' Query ' whiteness.' 

336 Reviews 

p. 577, vn, 1. 2. 'On.' Query 'One. 3 

p. 578, ix. The poem with variants in Sloane MS. 1446, fo. 84. 

p. 578, xn. This in Sloane MS. 1446, fo. 76 b, where line 3 runs 'Render me 
myne againe or lend thyne owne.' 

p. 579, xiv. The poem in Add. MS. 25707, fo. 151 b, where 'pearl-eyed' (1. 3) is 
'pearled,' 'swan' (1. 19) is 'swayne.' 

p. 581, xvin found in same MS. fo. 58. 

p. 586, iv, last line. ' proved ' should be ' proud,' as Vivian has it. 

p. 604, xx, 1. 9. ' Time hath a while ' (? a ' wheel '). 

Mr Fellowes professes to give his text in modern spelling. One does 
not see therefore why he keeps old forms such as Orianaes (Oriana's) 
(p. 15), Dianaes (p. 55), Calliaes (p. 117), Tulliaes, Ledaes (p. 229). 

The word ' forwhy ' seems to be considered by Mr Fellowes as always 
interrogative. In most places where it occurs the note of interrogation 
after it should be deleted, as the word merely means ' because ' : e.g. 
p. 33, ix, 1. 7; p. 34, xi ad fin. ; p. 36, xiv, 1. 12 ; p. 107, ix, 1. 6 ; p. 128, 
xv, 1. 2. 

It is noticeable that 'Fa la la' rimes with 'play' etc. p. 100, II, 
p. 105, II, apparently as we say 'hooray.' The superlative 'the beautiest 
of the beauties,' p. 147, xi, 4 is interesting. 



The Poems of Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey. Edited by FREDERICK 
MORGAN PADELFORD. (University of Washington Publications, i). 
Seattle: University of Washington Press. 1920. 8vo. 238pp. 2 dol. 

Both general and specialist students of English Literature have cause 
to thank Prof. Padelford for this much needed book. The Aldine edition 
with its modernised text has long been out of date for teachers and 
students, and since the beginning of the twentieth century much work 
upon Surrey's sources and metres has appeared in English and German 
scholarly periodicals, the results of which needed to be sifted and pre- 
sented in more generally accessible form. It was time, in fact, that 
someone should do for Surrey what Miss Foxwell has done for Wyatt. 

Prof. Padelford aims not only at giving us a satisfactory text of the 
poems of Surrey (following wherever possible MS., in preference to 
printed, authority) but also at ' furnishing a human approach ' to his 
subject. With this end in view he rearranges and renames the poems 
and includes an Introductory essay (following mainly Bapst, Deux Gen- 
tilshommes : Poetes de la Cour de Henry VIII) on the ' Dramatic career ' 
of Surrey as an Aristotelian tragic hero, written with a glowing sympathy 
which precludes emphasis on the ironic relationship of the Court of 
Henry VIII to our first Petrarchan love-poetry. 

It is, perhaps, this sympathy, a New- World enthusiasm for the sub- 
ject, which results in a modernisation of the hero in the passage referring 
to his Continental ' trip.' It may be doubted whether even an unusually 
imaginative youth in 1532 could have our eye for ' the old and picturesque 
civilization that lay along the Mediterranean,' or would look with ecstasy 

Reviews 337 

upon that sea as ' the waters which had borne Odysseus and Jason and 
^Eneas, whose waves had washed immemorially the magic shores of Italy 
and Greece and Carthage.' Certainly, as Prof. Padelford notices, Surrey 
gives no hint of this reaction nor had Wyatt done so, who, in his poetry 
refers a little more fully to his travels. It is not to be found even in the 
work of Marlowe, where, if anywhere in the sixteenth century, we should 
look for it. Marlowe with the mind's eye seeks and finds beauty in the 
Mediterranean and other shores, but it appears in his verse as the formal 
beauty of syllables, not the ' romantic ' beauty of association and sug- 
gestion, consciously recognised as inhering in places. 

. On the more scholarly side the edition is completed by a brief essay 
summarising ' Surrey's Contributions to English Verse,' by full apparatus 
of textual and critical notes, by a Bibliography (including a brief de- 
scription of the MSS.) and a Glossary. Students of this phase of our 
literature will welcome the passages in essay and notes in which Prof. 
Padelford shows that he considers the form of Surrey as legitimately a 
type of its own, and not merely a stage. For there can be no doubt that 
Wyatt and Surrey had different aims and standards from those of the 
schools which succeeded them ; it is not only the immaturity of their 
art which accounts for their lacking the regularity of Gascoigne or the 
fluency of Spenser. Perhaps not everyone would subscribe in full to 
Prof. Padelford's statement of the difference in metrical aim and practice 
between Wyatt and Surrey. In effect it amounts to saying that Wyatt 
adopts a purely metrical accent (which may, but frequently does not, 
coincide with word- and sentence-accent) and that he was led to this 
partly by older English tradition. ' Wyatt had a sensitive ear, and modern 
readers regard his verse as rough largely because, expecting correspond- 
ence between the metrical accent and the thought and word accents, 
they do not read the verses as Wyatt read them ' (notes to Introduction, 
p. 167). The prosodic reform which resulted in the establishment of the 
English decasyllabic iambic line as we have it was initiated by Surrey, 
whose conception was the more limited, inasmuch as it discarded some- 
thing of the ' intellectual litheness ' of which Wyatt's line was susceptible, 
and the more English and effective, inasmuch as it took into account the 
strongly accentual character of our language. ' Surrey's outstanding con- 
tribution to prosody was his insistence that metrical accent should be 
coincident with sentence stress and word accent.' There are, of course, 
some violations of this rule. Prof. Padelford gives examples, one or two 
of which are susceptible of other explanations envije (like exile) is so 
regularly given ' Romance-accent ' by sixteenth century Doets that there 
is no need to regard it as a specially poetic licence, ana substitution of 
trochees (in the blank verse) should perhaps be more generally allowed 

But it is not altogether clear that his ' continental models ' in the 
Romance languages would have conduced so strongly as Prof. Padelford 
implies to impress upon Surrey the crime of ' wresting the accent ' (as 
it came later to be called) in English verse. And it is less clear how far 
we are justified in imputing to poets of this date anything in the nature 

M.L.R.XVI. 22 

338 Reviews 

of prosodic theory, especially any theory involving an understanding of 
current phonetic conditions. This is not to say that Wyatt and Surrey 
composed blindly ; they had the poets' guides ear, instinct, imitation, 
experiment but the remarks and still more the experiments of Ascham 
twenty years later on the subject of 'trew versifying' show that he at 
least had no clear conception of the r61e of accent in English verse 1 , 
though the question of the rival merits of English and classical metres 
had been discussed for some years. And the various utterances provoked 
by the ' Hexameter-controversy ' demonstrate how slowly ideas clarified 
themselves on the subject of accent and how little capable the prosodists 
were of understanding the phonetic conditions of their own language. 
Accordingly, when Prof. Padelford finds amphibrachs, etc. in Surrey's verse 
it is not to be taken as meaning that Surrey, as a matter of prosodic 
theory, had thought out accentual equivalents of the various classical 
feet. Amphibrachs, pyrrhic feet, and the numerous substituted trochees 
are merely symptoms of a pre-Gascoigne stage before English rhythms 
were levelled under ' the old lambick stroak.' They are names which we 
give to legitimate variations upon the rising rhythm of our staple metres. 
They have in Surrey their tentative side, but they are also signs of a 
liberty and fulness which Spenser and Shakespeare had to rediscover. 

It is especially welcome to come across Prof. Padelford 's appreciation 
of Surrey's conception of blank verse (notes to Introduction, p. 167). It 
is a subject upon which many mutually incompatible statements could 
be collected from histories of literature and prosody. Various causes have 
contributed to this divergence of opinion, of which the chief is the over- 
looking of one of Surrey's chief claims to distinction his recognition 
that blank verse is not merely heroic couplets without rhyme, but a 
genuinely new metre. The ' blank ' line has a liberty, a run, a movement, 
which make it distinct from the rhyming line 2 . In the mid-sixteenth 
century the essential difference between the structure and cadence of 
the unrhymed and the rhymed decasyllabic was forgotten hence the 
wooden verse 'gaping for rhyme' of Gascoigne's Steele Glas. In this 
respect, as in some others, the later mid-century marked a retrogression 
from the standard reached in 1547. But those who took blank verse 
straight from Surrey's hands, as it were, Nicholas Grimald and Turbervile 
(Heroical Epistles), conscientiously wrote it as they would never have 
written rhymed verse. 

Detailed investigations of metre and diction 3 are, of course, beyond 
the scope of a single-volumed edition such as the present, but any fellow- 
student of Surrey will notice that in what he says on these subjects 
Prof. Padelford takes up what will appear the correct and just attitude 

1 Cf. his remarks on Surrey's new metre ' standing upon number only... and not distinct 
by trew quantity of syllables.' His hexameters are professedly quantitative, but actually 

2 This may easily be seen by comparing the blank ' lines with the couplets in any play 
of Shakespeare's. It becomes obvious that the latter belong to rhyming verse before the end 
of the line is reached. 

3 The significance of the abandonment of 'aureation' might form the subject of one 
such discussion. 

Reviews 339 

towards Surrey as a man who has a right to his method, whose work is 
interesting and significant in itself as well as a fruitful field for the 
student of literary origins. Prof. Padelford has performed a signal service 
in what he has done to open up this field. 


The Text of Henry V. By HEREWARD T. PRICE. Newcastle under Lyme : 
Mandley and Unett. n. d. 55 pp. 2s. Qd. 

Mr Here ward Price's paper on The Text of Henry V is based on so 
much honest spade-work and presents its case so temperately that, 
although it is largely devoted to the destruction of the theories of 
Mr Dover Wilson and myself, I hope it will find many readers. The 
case which Mr Price attacks, as it was set forth in the Literary Supple- 
ment of the Times, is that the pirated Quarto of Henry V (1600), in 
common with the pirated Quartos of Romeo and Juliet (1597), the 
Merry Wives of Windsor (1602) and Hamlet (1603), was based on the 
manuscript of an abridged version of an earlier text of the play, eked 
out with the help of a minor actor in the play as finally staged, partly 
from memory, partly from his own manuscript ' parts.' Mr Price's case 
is that the Folio text of Henry V was written as a single whole by 
Shakespeare for performance at the Globe in 1599, and that the Quarto 
text is the work of two pirates, a pirate in the audience present at an 
abridged performance of the play who used the system of short-hand 
set forth by Timothy Bright in his Characterie in 1588, and a pirate- 
actor, who supplied transcripts of his 'parts' of Essex (probably), Gower 
and the Governor of Harfleur, much as Mr Wilson and I suppose. The 
main differences between us are thus : (i) that Mr Price brings in a 
pirate in the audience to take the place of the abridged manuscript 
which forms part of the rival hypothesis, (ii) that he regards the play 
as written all of a piece, whereas Mr Wilson and I think it had existed 
before 1599 in a different form. 

The first of these two differences is not fundamental. A publisher 
who would employ a pirate-actor might well employ a short-hand 
writer in the audience, if he thought the sale of the book would bear 
the double expense. Mr Price's main evidence for the use of a short- 
hand writer is that in Bright's system synonyms would tend to be 
confused, and that we can thus explain the numerous variants between 
Quarto and Folio, such as graue and tombe, hurt and harmd, check and 
chide, reckoning and estimation, etc. He himself, however, is careful to 
warn his readers that his list 'is not so convincing as it looks/ as similar 
substitutions of one synonym for another are found where there is no 
question of piracy. I think his evidence for a pirate in the audience 
will be found weak, and lest this belief should appear somewhat less 
than impartial, I will balance it by admitting that in the case of Henry V 
the evidence that the publisher had got hold of a playhouse manuscript 


340 Revieivs 

of an abridged version is weak also, unless the much stronger evidence 
that this was so in the other three piracies is admitted to support it. 

In support of his more important contention that Shakespeare wrote 
Henry V, as it stands in the Folio, all of a piece, Mr Price has done a 
valuable bit of spade-work, which enables him to claim that in numerous 
instances the Folio is nearer to Holinshed than the Quarto and must 
therefore be regarded not as a revision, but as the "earlier version. He 
himself regards this evidence as decisive, but its relevance largely 
depends on how we imagine an Elizabethan dramatist worked, when 
called in to make an old play more attractive. Sometimes, no doubt, a 
dramatist would rewrite an old play as a whole ; more often, it may be 
submitted, he rewrote only certain scenes, or parts of scenes. Now it is 
precisely where Henry V follows Holinshed most closely that I find it 
difficult to believe that Shakespeare wrote it about the time that he 
was writing Julius Caesar. On the other hand all that relates to 
FalstafT and Pistol must be of about this date. In the Pirated Quarto 
the process of abridging and transcribing would take the text farther 
from Holinshed than is the Folio, -in which the historical verse need 
not have been touched ; the prose humours on the other hand are simple 
piracies. If, as seems clear, the incredibly lame couplet which ends the 
Prologue to Act II, 

But till the King come forth and not till then 
Vnto Southampton do we shift our scene, 

is an addition to explain the insertion o two London scenes in an Act 
which the rest of the Prologue places wholly in Southampton and 
France, then there must have been an earlier version of the play to 
correspond with the Prologue in its original form. Mr Price passes over 
this point in silence, and thereby weakens his case. But his pamphlet 
is a very able one, which no one interested in the play can afford to 
neglect, and for which I am personally very grateful. 


Philip Massinger. By A. H. CRUICKSHANK. Oxford : Basil BlackwelL 
1920. 228pp. 155. 

In view of the light that has been thrown upon his writings since 
the days of GifFord, Hartley Coleridge and Cunningham, an adequate 
modern monograph on Massinger has long been needed. The want still 
remains to be supplied, for Professor Cruickshank's study of the dramatist 
is disappointingly incomplete and superficial. It contains no systematic 
discussion either of the dates of Massinger's plays or of the sources 
whence he derived his plots, nor (a more serious omission) is any attempt 
made to bring within the critical survey of the dramatist's work, the 
large bulk of that work (unrecognized by GifFord and the earlier critics) 
contained in the 'Beaumont and Fletcher' folios, and this although 
Professor Cruickshank is conscious of the injustice that has been done 
to Massinger through the tacit acceptance of the early uncritical attri- 
bution to Beaumont and Fletcher of some of the best of his work. 

Reviews 341 

The author seems at first to have planned a dissertation on very 
modest lines. His design, he tells us, ' first widened as it went on, and 
then contracted.' His text still retains traces of the alteration of his 
plans that it would have been well to have removed; for instance, 
although on page 23 we are told that ' it would take us too far from our 
subject' to enter in detail on the problems presented by Henry VIII 
and The Two Noble Kinsmen, later in the book twenty pages are de- 
voted to them. Professor Cruickshank, with perfect fairness and impar- 
tiality, discusses the arguments in favour of Massinger's participation 
in both plays, and comes to the conclusion that he had no hand in either. 
But it does not seem unfair to suggest that, if Massinger's hand were 
present, he would not be able to detect it. Far from being competent 
to distinguish Massinger's style from Shakespeare's, he cannot even 
distinguish it from Fletcher's. To show ' how tender Massinger is at his 
best,' he quotes Antonio's speech in iv, iii, of A Very Woman, beginning : 

Not far from where my father lives, a lady, 

A neighbour by, blest with as great a beauty - 

As nature durst bestow without undoing 

Dwelt, and most happily, as I thought then 

And bless'd the house a thousand times she dwelt in... 

If this speech, with its end-stopped lines and double endings, is not 
Fletcher's, then all the critics who have devoted their attention to the 
authorship of the Massinger-Fletcher plays are mistaken 1 . 

The Appendix in which the collaborated plays are dealt with clearly 
shows that Professor Cruickshank lacks the intimate acquaintance with 
his author's metre and diction which could alone give value to his pro- 
nouncements as to their authorship. He cannot find Massinger's hand 
in plays where it is so evident as in The Double Marriage, The Beggars' 
Bush and Love's Cure. And he is not always careful in his comments on 
the views of previous critics. Of The Custom of the Country he observes 
' This play owes very little to Massinger. Boyle, in attributing Act II 
to him, must have been guided solely by metrical considerations.' This 
is not the case, as a reference to Boyle's paper on Beaumont, Fletcher 
and Massinger in The New Shakspere Society's Transactions would have 
shown. 'There is not a trace of Massinger's style in the Act/ adds 
Professor Cruickshank. But indeed there is. These lines for instance 
(from one of Duarte's speeches in the first scene) 

if [I were] a physician, 
So oft I would restore death-wounded men 
That where I liv'd Galen should not be nam'd 
And he that join'd again the scatter'd limbs 
Of torn Hippolytus, should be f